The Cyprian Part One
The initial step occurred when their history became joined to that of the Liber generationis, or rather to a particular version of that work. The Liber generationis is a handbook for the study of the Bible, listing biblical chronology, the names of mountains and rivers, Israelite judges and kings, the kings of Persia, Samaria, and Alexandria, the Roman emperors, and the bishops of Rome.
It is based on a lost chronology in Greek, once thought to have been compiled by Hippolytus, which was translated twice, the first LG II before ad , the second LG I before It is the first LG II that concerns us. Its text was reconstructed by Mommsen from four manuscripts which he grouped into two distinct families. They descend from an archetype written in Spain The second family consists of the two.
Gall ; and C: Vittorio Emanuele II, Vitt. The stichometric lists survive because they were included in his text by the unknown editor who revised the Liber generationis in ad Momm- sen dates the revised version to ad , based upon the insertion in ch. However, the revised preface in GC mentions the consulates of Valentinian and Valens ad We use ad as the date by which the revision was completed. In this reworking, preserved only in G and C, the Liber generationis has been heavily edited, rearranged, and abridged, with excisions and a few additions, including the Indicula or stichometric lists.
The rearranged prologue to the Liber generationis contains a passage announcing the stichometric lists. In C, this prologue is written in red. We print the GC prologue here, because the nature of the revisions and the inclusion of the stichometric lists escape notice in the MGH edition, where they exist only as variae lectiones Terrae diuisio tribus filiis [filiorum G] Noe: Declaratio gentium quae ex quibus factae [facte G ; facta C, corn factae] sunt et quas singulae [singulas G; singula C, corn singulae] terras et ciuitates sorti tae sunt [sorti ti sint G].
Quantae insulae qui [et add. C] ex quibus transmigrauerunt [-uerint C]. Quot [quod, G passim] montes et ilumina. Quot iudices et quis quot annos [annis corn C] iudicauerit populum. Quot reges in tribu luda et quis quot annos [annis corn C] regnauerit. Ostendit nomina patriarcharum, prophetarum [proph. G], sacerdotum, ex luda [Iudaeis corn C] mulierum prophetis- sarum, regum Macedonum iuxta Alexandrum, regum Samariae, regum Per- sarum a Cyro rege.
Introduction
Imperatorum Romanorum ab Augusto et quis quot annis. Libri qui sunt [qui sunt om. G] ueteris [ueteri C, corr. G] testamenti [testamenti qui sunt G] canonici cum indiculis uersuum. Hinc ergo incipiemus et iuxta ordinem de Genesi sermonem faciemus [facimus G]. We must say, first, that it is questionable whether all three lists were compiled at the same time ; and second, their attachment to the Liber generationis in [Mommsen's ] does not provide the date of composition, but just a terminus ante quern.
How long the lists had existed before then is another matter, and one beyond the scope of this inquiry. The reworking of the Liber generationis in coincides in date with the blossoming of the Donatist Church in North Africa, and one would do well to ask whether the emergence there of the Liber generationis and its restructuring were not attributable to this Donatist resurgence The Donatist bishops, who had been deprived of their churches and property and exiled in , were permitted by Julian the Apostate to return to North Africa late in , reinstated in their properties and their bishoprics.
Flavian, the senior imperial official in North Africa during Parmenian's later years, was a confirmed Donatist. By the end of the century there were some Donatist bishops in North Africa. The Donatists had significant writers not only in Parmenian but also in the lay biblical exegete Tyco- nius, who wrote in the s and died ca. Firmly grounded in the text of the Bible, they and their followers engaged in an active ministry, and in aggressive written polemics regarding doctrinal issues.
Even Augustine acknowledged that Donatists outnumbered Catholics in the main North African cities during his early years in Hippo. There is nothing distinctively Donatist either in the BF family of the Liber generationis or in the reworking in GC, since these are manuals of very basic information, a guide to biblical names and chronology, not apt to reveal a doctrinal bias. Although the heading survives in the table of contents of both families, BF and GC, the text of the section appears in neither. The list of Catholic bishops of Rome would have been of no interest to Donatists.
Nor should one fail to note the specific interest of the Donatist community in the Bible and its literal interpretation. This handbook, like its companion the Liber genealogus, would have been of use to Donatist bishops. Thus, although there is no overt evidence in the text to suggest in which church the Liber generationis was copied and used, at the date or shortly after it could well have been Donatist in origin, given the vigorous contemporary resurgence of the Donatist ministry in North Africa.
It would be revealing and instructive, if the stichometric lists for the books of the Old and the New Testaments were included in the revised Liber generationis either to serve as a reference system97, or in order to insure completeness in texts of the Bible produced for the community in which the Liber was reworked. It is also possible that the biblical lists were included simply for their bibliographic value, because they provided an authoritative list of the books of the Bible and their sequence.
The proper number and sequence of the books of the Bible were serious issues in the fourth century. Fortunately, the stichometric numbers were accurately transcribed and preserved also, along with the names of the books. The reason for the addition of the list of Cyprian's works is more intriguing. Cyprian, after all, was considered by the Donatists to be one of their own.
A compendium of aids to biblical study. The second stage in the survival of the stichometric lists occurred when the revised Liber generationis, to which they had been appended ca. Like the revised Liber generationis, this larger collection, the Compendium, also is visible in the two manuscript witnesses to the lists, G and C. It sheds light on the circumstances in which the lists were used and preserved, and, as a witness to literary activity, it merits examination in detail.
In both G and C, the revised Liber generationis and the text of the stichometric lists are subsumed in this second, larger collection of aids to biblical study. The older manuscript, St. Gall Stiftsbibliothek G , is made up of four contemporary parts ; the Compendium forms part three. The younger manuscript, Vitt. Mommsen demonstrated that for each of the Compendium's two longer texts, the Liber genealogus and the Liber generationis, G and C form a family distinct from the other manuscripts of the work The only other manuscript that contains both the Liber genealogus and the Liber generationis, Berlin, Deutsche Staatsbib- liothek Phillipps Rose , s.
Phillipps 1 , which lacks the rest of the Compendium, does not belong to the textual tradition of G and C for either the Liber genealogus or the Liber generationis. The Compendium, in G and C, contains eleven works. Because neither manuscript has been precisely described in print, and because the works in the collection are little known, we list the Compendium's contents with their incipits and explicits from these two manuscripts, as witnesses to a hitherto unknown collection of texts formed in North Africa during the second half of the fourth century and the first half of the fifth.
Si natus est habet geni- torem. Si factus est, habet materiam The Compendium begins with this anonymous chronicle, whose Do- natist nature and North African origins have been solidly established by Paul Monceaux, W. The Liber genealogus is a Donatist interpretation of biblical and early Christian history which presents itself as a list of the biblical genealogies of Christ.
Composed in the late fourth or early fifth century, it exists in several successive recensions, Donatist in origin and then Catholic, according to Inglebert The recension of the Liber genealogus contained in G and C represents a Donatist continuation of early Christian history to the consulates of Hierius and Ardaburius ad ; as we shall see, the history of this recension of is bound up with the Compendium's own history. The Liber genealogus is the Compendium's cornerstone, giving a purpose to the works which follow it. The common feature that unifies the Compendium is its focus on the interpretation of names, as the key to the interpretation of biblical history.
Prophetiae ex omnibus libris collectae. In hac uoluntate perseuerantes caeci, a fide lapsi sunt ignorantes. Explicit collatio prophetiae ueteris nouique testamenti. An anthology of prophecies from the Old and New Testaments. Theodor Zahn attributed its composition to an anonymous North African, perhaps Donatist, primarily because it relied on the text of the New Testament used by Cyprian and because it employed the term traditores.
Although Zahn proposed a date in the beginning of the fourth century, it seems more reasonable to place this later in the century at a time of renewed Donatist vigor. The work was used ca. The anthology is known only in the Compendium, i. Virtutes Heliae et Helisaei. A list of the miracles of Elijah 12 and Elisha It survives in three manuscripts besides G and C: Munich, elm , f. The Virtutes Heliae et Helisaei, previously thought to be part of the eighth- century Irish exegetical collection called Bibelwerk by its investigators. They suggested that the Virtutes was not an Irish work of the eighth century but, instead, a North African work of the fourth or fifth century Its inclusion in the Compendium its earliest appearance provides a valuable witness to the existence and circulation of the Virtutes in North Africa in the late fourth and early fifth centuries, and adds another text to the list of early Christian works that migrated from North Africa, via Spain and Italy, to distant parts of Northern Europe.
Unus est protoplastus, alius est Adam filius Bara qui per- cussit Madiam in campo Moab An attempt to list all the appearances in the Old and New Testaments of two or more people with the same name and to distinguish between them. It makes its earliest appearance in the Compendium ; thus, it may also have originated in fifth-century North Africa.
If so, it would provide an interesting witness to North African knowledge of biblical literature. Probably the most interesting of the smaller treatises, it flourished in Spain in the ninth and tenth centuries. Its oldest witness outside the Compendium is Albi BM 29, f.
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Aside from the Albi manuscript and G and C, the Inventiones exists in five other manuscripts, all of Spanish origin: The Liber generationis, discussed in detail above, is a biblical chronology that lists the sons of Noah and where they lived, with information on the rivers of the Old Testament, and kings and judges reaching to the consulships of Valentinian and Valens in ad n '. As we have seen, the archetype of G and C was thoroughly revised in ca. Interpretations of Hebrew Names.
Work 6, and work 7 below, are short lists of biblical names of Hebrew origin with the figurative meaning of each. They were probably compiled locally in North Africa, before ad They presumably came to the Compendium as part of the reworked Liber generationis, but they are so brief that they did not receive mention in its prologue Works 6 and 7 appear together, and in the same sequence, along with works below, in a compilation of glossaries written probably in Italy.
The interpretations were almost certainly copied into this collection from C or its parent Indiculum ueteris et noui testamenti ; Indiculum Caecilii Cypriani. Item indiculum noui testamenti. The two stichometry lists which came to the Compendium as part of the reworked Liber generationis, discussed in pt. Ihesus, domina- tor [dominus: Like works 6 and 7 above, this glossary of Hebrew biblical names in this instance from the New Testament seems to be independent of Jerome's Interpretationes CPL Nomina locorum et interpretatio nominum de hebreo in latinum.
Hermon regio hebreorum quam obtenuit Ihesus A glossary of Hebrew names some of which appear in PL Philemoni mire donat uel certe. That the eleven works enumerated above represent a collection consciously formed is apparent, not only because these works appear in the same sequence in two manuscripts but, more important, because they have a thematic unity. The works in the Compendium each serve to identify and explain the meaning of names in the scriptures. They are similar to the works written a century later by Isidore for the same purpose The Compendium can be thought of as an expansion of the earlier effort of ca.
The arrangement of the works in the Compendium raises a question regarding the actual contents of the revised Liber generationis.
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Common sense suggests that the two lists of Hebrew names, nos. They are not mentioned in the Liber generationis preface simply because, like the Indiculus for Cyprian, they are short works occupying less than a folio. One might also wonder whether the first of the three lists of Hebrew names with which the Compendium concludes, no.
The matter is of interest not only in ascertaining the earliest date at which these works appear, but also in determining the extent of the literary activity that the revision of the Liber generationis represents. There is no reason to think that any of the other works now in G and C formed a part of the Compendium. Those in C are clearly physical additions, bound together with the Compendium.
The three works that follow the Compendium in Part IV of G - Isidore's Chronica, his History of the Goths, and particularly the Itinerary of the Anonymus of Piacenza dated circa - provide the same sort of genealogical and geographical information about the scriptures as do the Liber genealogus and the Liber generationis, which explains why they have been added to the manuscript. There is nothing in G's texts of Isidore's works to suggest that they were added to the Compendium at an earlier stage in its migration. The Itinerary, relating the voyage to the Holy Land of a group of pilgrims from Piacenza under the protection of St.
Anthony, provides a list of the holy places named in the Bible G is its oldest known witness ; and the other copy of this recension, Zurich Zentralbibliothek 73 s. The textual relationship of G and C as established by Mommsen for the stichometry lists, the Liber genealogus, and the Liber generationis, and by Dolbeau for the Virtutes Heliae et Helisaei, demonstrate that the later C is not a copy of G Each at one time or another preserves the correct reading against the other for these edited works.
There is no doubt that this relationship would hold true for each of the works in the Compendium. G and C differ enough for Mommsen to have suggested that they were each probably several stages removed from their common parent. Nevertheless, some late antique features have persisted ; Lowe remarked that three of the works in G nos. The compendium and the Liber genealogus. The origins of the Compendium and those of the Liber genealogus are closely tied. Although the history of the Liber genealogus has been studied in detail, it has not been examined in the context of the Compendium.
The Liber genealogus survives in seven manuscripts, representing four recensions produced within a period of about fifty years. Mommsen, Monceaux, and most recently Inglebert have each interpreted somewhat differently the manuscript evidence The changing recensions witness Donatist and Catholic literary activity in fifth-century North Africa and need to be rexamined in light of the history of the Compendium.
De amaritudine aquae Merhae ; Hi. T's text of the Liber genealogus ends with the life of Christ, making it the only recension that does not continue into the history of the Christian church It thereby lacks the normal means of dating the recension. Inglebert provisionally accepted this argument regarding the date of T's recension and its identification as the earliest version, while noting that both points are unproven Mommsen instead considered the text to date between , the date of the last event mentioned in the other three recensions, and , the date of the earliest dated recension in GC ; Mommsen did not define the relationship of T's text to the other recensions or discuss the origins of the Liber genealogus It has previously been suggested that the Liber genealogus originated in Europe.
Because he found T's recension to be devoid of references to North Africa and to Donatist issues, Monceaux concluded that the Liber genealogus was composed in Gauror Italy and only later migrated to North Africa Bruno Krusch thought the Liber genealogus was probably the work of Q. Julius Hilarianus, author of the De ratione paschae ad which follows the text of the Liber genealogus in T Monceaux accepted the attribution ; but he implied that Hilarianus was Catholic, and asserted that.
Later scholars disagree on both points. Further, the argument for Hilarianus's authorship of the Liber genealogus has not convinced, and the matter has only indirect bearing on the recension found in GC. Finally, while Lowe ascribed the Turin manuscript to Italy, one might suspect considering its contents that it was copied from a North African exemplar. Monceaux reasoned that there must have been a recension now lost before the earliest surviving revision of because, had the latter been the first Donatist version, it would surely have mentioned the council of 41 1.
Inglebert, however, has pointed out that neither the recension of nor that of , both Donatist and independent of each other, refers to the Council of Carthage of 4 1 1 ; and he suggests that the Donatists, lacking our perspective, could legitimately have thought that the persecutions begun in were simply continuing and increasing. Inglebert concludes that it would be better to think in terms of the recension dated as the first Donatist version without intermediary between itself and the original By the Donatists had produced another enlargement. Completed probably in Carthage the year before the city fell to the Vandals , the recension identifies the Vandal king Gaiseric with Antichrist The first Momm- sen called the Florentinus F because it is reconstructed from two copies now in Florence: Biblioteca Medicea Laurenziana, S.
Maria novella , f. The second lost witness documents the movement of this recension of the Liber genealogus from Africa to Spain. A fuller recension was finished by , fleshed out with quotations from additional sources. It developed the history of North Africa and integrated it with the great events of biblical and pagan history. The events of the last years, the assassination of Valentinian III, the sack of Rome by Gaiseric, were viewed by the author as heralding the end of the earth.
Although Monceaux considered this recension to be Donatist, Inglebert has argued convincingly for Catholic origin. Under Vandal rule, the Catholics now considered themselves the oppressed, and appropriated the Liber genealogus for their own polemic The Liber genealogus in L was almost certainly copied from a late antique. The work has its own title page f. The title is written in capitals in lines of alternate colors, between two Roman columns with vinestems and capitals. The impression given is that of a tablet. Above the title, the tympanum contains a depiction of the Good Shepherd between a tree and what appears to be a table bearing a flask?
The treatment is similar to that in G p. However, there is neither architectural frame nor illustration in G. The similarity in the treatment of the titles in G and L suggests that these may reflect the appearance of the ad recension of the Liber genealogus. L's text of the Liber genealogus is preceded by a computistical work completed in Carthage in the same year, Libri duo de ratione paschae scripti Carthagine a. This caused Monceaux to ask if the author of the treatise on the date of Easter might not also have been the author of the recension of the Liber genealogus Lowe saw Visigothic features in the script of parts a and b, suggesting that portions of the manuscript were copied by Visigothic refugees or from Visigothic exemplars.
Monceaux and Inglebert distinguished another recension within the text of the recension in L It comprises only minor additions, among them events to , and according to Inglebert it also was Catholic in origin. Lastly, Inglebert identified what appears to be a Donatist gloss of ca. The recension is without question the oldest surviving Donatist version. If this recension, which survives solely in GC, is in fact the first Donatist version of the Liber genealogus to have been made, as both Mommsen and Inglebert propose, one must suspect that it was produced to be part of the Compendium. Because Scherrer's description of G was cursory and C had vanished with the Phillipps sales, neither Monceaux nor those working after him recognized the environment in which the recension may have been compiled and in which it survived.
Nothing suggests that the recension of the Liber genealogus was ever known outside of the Compendium. The compendium and Donatism. The conspicuous placement of the Liber genealogus at its head suggests that the Compendium was formed in Donatist circles. From the works that it contains, one might usefully associate the Compendium with the followers of the Donatist biblical exegete Tyconius, who wrote in the s and '80s and died in the s Deeply grounded in the text of the scriptures, Tyconius and his followers believed that the Bible held the key to understanding the past and the future, and above all to grasping the nature of the Church and its role in human salvation Tyconius taught that although there was one Church, there were two societies, the one led by Christ, destined to salvation, the other by the Devil, to damnation: This dualistic view of biblical and Christian history is echoed, for example, in the In- ventiones nominum, in listing all instances in the Bible of two people who bear the same name.
Tyconius was particularly interested in prophecy, and in the books of the Major and Minor Prophets. The Prophetiae ex omnibus libris collectae, already in existence by , was compiled to provide access to prophecies in the scriptures, and would have served Tyconius's followers well. Tyconius shaped biblical exegesis through his use of typology. Applying typological interpretation to both Testaments, demonstrating that the Old prefigured the New to elucidate the meaning of the scriptures, he convinced Augustine of the merit of this form of exegesis Names, particularly Hebrew names, were grist for the exegete's mill.
The three early compilations of interpretations of Hebrew names in the Compendium evoke Tyconius's interests as manifest in the fourth book of the Book of Rules, where he interprets the meaning of names and places to explain larger issues. Even after Tyconius's death, his abiding influence on exegesis was conducive to compiling the types of reference tools found in the Compendium and to forming them into a collection.
The date when the Compendium was formed remains a question. We suggest that it began to take shape as early as Tyconius's lifetime or shortly thereafter, and that it was finished at or just after , the latest date in the Compendium's recension of the Liber genealogus. The Compendium presumably grew piecemeal over time, with some parts, such as the Liber generationis, having come together at an earlier date ; others, such as the lists of Hebrew names, having grown independently and unsy stematically ; and still others, such as the Liber genealogus of , having been produced concurrently with the Compendium.
The vigor of Donatism during Augustine's lifetime is a contentious issue Undoubtedly, Donatism was affected by the execution of its leaders, Count Gildo and Bishop Optatus, in ; by the actions of the Council of Carthage in 41 1 ; and by the intellectual magnetism of Augustine,. Ascertaining the degree to which the vitality of the Donatist Church was diminished by these events is complicated, however, by the fact that the contemporary texts bearing on the question are almost entirely written by Catholics One cannot, for example, accept as unbiased Possidius's claim, in his Vita Augustini, that Donatist bishops during Augustine's ministry accepted Catholicism with their flocks and passed from being the majority to being a defensive minority Contemporary testimony that the struggle between the two churches was aggressive and violent probably better reflects the actuality.
Few Donatist bishops can be documented to have converted to Catholicism in Augustine's lifetime. Instead, during Augustine's ministry Catholics and Do- natists appear to have grown further apart, each vigorously defensive and intolerant, writing their own books and going their separate ways The editions of the Liber genealogus in and themselves document vigorous Donatist polemical activity. The Compendium, completed in or after , is an additional witness to Donatism's resilience The compendium's passage to Europe.
The Compendium passed to Europe at an unknown date, perhaps long before the Muslim conquest of Carthage in It is our suggestion given the breadth of difference between G and C that the text of the Compendium had already divided into two families before leaving Africa. One path along which the Compendium left a visible trace led through Visigothic Spain, to which it traveled probably with Donatist or Catholic exiles The other path, along which it left no trace and which is thus conjectural,.
Let us examine each in turn. Works in the Compendium appear to have been sources for the extensive genealogical tables found in a group of Visigothic Bibles. These tables contain a genealogy of the descendants of Adam, comprising some names on medallions with connecting lines indicating the descent, and incorporating brief framed excerpts from chronicle texts. The possibility of the Compendium's existence in Spain has, of course, not been taken into consideration in the scholarly investigation of the sources of these tables. Pursuit of correspondences, and in particular verbal correspondence, between the Compendium and the biblical genealogies is complicated by the fact that the surviving tables all relatively late in date , originally dependent on the Vetus Latina text of the Bible, now represent years of unmarked and uneven overlays of correction and revision based on the Vulgate Ayuso Marazuela first suggested that the matter in the tables and, especially, the chronicle material came from the recension of the Liber genealogus, a judgment accepted in the main by Williams Having pointed out that the tables, based on the Vetus Latina, are therefore derived from a text far older than the Bibles in which they appear, she noted that a common feature of the tables all of Spanish origin which linked them in a general fashion to the Liber genealogus of was their focus on biblical history developed through numerous secondary biblical lineages, the names at times being enriched with etymologies and typological meanings.
In specific, a feature common to the Liber genealogus and most recensions of the biblical tables is that they alter St. Luke's genealogy of Christ by making it culminate with the Virgin Mary through her apocryphal father Joachim. The correspondence, frequently verbatim, between the biblical genealogical tables and the Liber genealogus assumes added significance from the fact that Joachim, who appears only in the apocryphal second-century Gospel of James, was largely ignored in the Christian West until the Middle Ages Zaluska's studies confirm that the Liber genealogus was the source drawn upon by the compilers of the genealogical tables The Liber genealogus as an independent text was available in northern Spain at this time, with the ad recension F known at Oviedo and the archetype of the BF family supposedly originating in Spain The possibility that the Compendium itself was the source, however, is suggested by what seems to be an echo, among the Spanish biblical tables, of another work from the Compendium, the Liber generationis.
The probable source of this is Liber generationis I no. The definitions of names in this. Whether these scattered intimations of the Compendium actually reflect its use in Spain will need further investigation. Another piece of evidence, however, would seem to confirm at least that the Compendium was present, in the Iberian Peninsula.
This pertains to the fourth work in the Compendium, the Inventiones nominum beg. At least three of the six begin with the rubric Liber ge- nealogicus or Incipit de genealogiis. The passage of the Compendium through Spain may explain the existence of G and C. Either or both, however, may owe their existence to a more direct route. It is possible that the Compendium was taken to Naples sometime early in its history, given the frequent traffic between Naples and North Africa The North African community in Naples was increased after the fall of Carthage in by exiles from the Arian Vandal kingdom, such as Quodvultdeus bishop of Carthage d.
Naples's numerous churches and monasteries, particularly that of Eugippius d. The Compendium could plausibly have been found at Naples and carried to Monte Cassino or Verona, to be taken later to St. Gall or Nonantola, or both. If we explore the transmission from the other direction, starting with G and C and the histories of St. Gall and Nonantola and their libraries, we see that the lines to Visigothic Spain, Septimania, and Southern Gaul are few.
Gall's sister abbey Reichenau, is no longer thought to be of Visigothic or Septimanian origin. Although the histories of St. Gall and Nonantola offer suggestions, as we shall see they provide no clear indication of the routes by which the texts in G and C came to their respective homes Gall, it is essential to consider St. Gall and Reichenau jointly For many years early in their history they shared the same abbot. Gall from to Waldo abbot of St. Gall in became abbot of Reichenau as well in G was probably copied during the abbacy of Waldo's successor Werdo , to judge from the date given it Bruckner and Lowe Gall from Verona or Bobbio.
Verona had books from North Africa as well as from Spain Egino, bishop of Verona , after resigning his see, came. At least three North African manuscripts came to rest at Bobbio Because of their Irish roots Bobbio and St. Gall were in contact soon after St. Gall was refounded by Otmar ca. Gall's adoption of the Benedictine Rule in Bobbio became part of the St.
Gall prayer confraiernity at its first expansion in The number of works shared in their respective libraries witnesses the close ties between these two abbeys in the eighth century and beyond Although the Compendium leaves no trace in either the tenth-century? Gall long before, to be copied there in the time of Abbot Werdo The numerous differences that Mommsen noted between the texts of the Compendium in G and C do not permit a close relationship between the two.
Thus, even though Nonantola also participated in the St. Gall prayer brotherhood, it seems impossible that C could have derived from G's immediate parent, whether at St. Gall or Bobbio or elsewhere. Instead, the history of the Nonantola library offers a possible transmission of the C branch from the south. Anselm's brother-in-law and protector. He was subsequently restored to Nonantola by Charlemagne and acquired many codices for its library Whether he had copies made or brought back older manuscripts is unclear.
Although the Compendium left no traces in southern Italy, it is possible that the ancestor of C was among codices found at Monte Cassino or Naples and brought north by Anselm, to be copied in the eleventh century to form C Many books must have left North Africa and come to Naples with exiles, from whence the passage to Monte Cassino would be understandable.
The significant number of manuscripts that survived the fires of and is sufficient reason not to take these descriptions literally Long after the Donatist interests that generated the Compendium had been forgotten, it was still considered a useful tool for instruction. In the Nonantola manuscript, several of the texts of the Compendium have been. The discovery of a collection of texts for biblical study witnesses the value of examining a text, such as the stichometry lists, in the company of the works with which it circulated.
What texts the maker of a manuscript assembled and the sequence in which he arranged them usually represent a conscious choice.
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They reveal the maker's intent in bringing the works together, and his view, as well, of the purpose each served. G and C preserve a collection of eleven works which circulated in North Africa in the fourth and fifth centuries, some of which leave no other trace. Hitherto largely unknown, they attest a vanished culture and a turbulent religious struggle. In North Africa where the Compendium originated, and in Spain where it traveled thereafter, it offered to Donatist and Catholic alike a source for vivid biblical imagery in both art and literature.
The Marburg fragment, the stichometry lists, and the contents of the Compendium document, once more, vigorous literary activity in late Roman North Africa. Manuscripts G and C. Gall, Stiftsbibliothek G , s. The parts are prepared according to a common format of ca. Page in display script, lines swashed alternately in yellow and violet.
The internal divisions of the generations begin with titles in display script, lines swashed in yellow and violet. Begins without rubric or display initial. Parchment poor quality, thick and stiff , p. Modern pagination with occasional errors. Quires mostly of 8 leaves, at times with composite bifolia see collation of Pt. Ill , mostly signed in roman numerals on lower center of last page: I, 1 2 signed quires ; Pt. II, unsigned quires of 6 and 8 leaves ; Pt. IV, 4 quires signed , quires lacking ; Pt V, unsigned quires of 6 and 8 leaves. Ill, 18 long lines ; Pt. Ill, long lines ; Pt.
IV, 17 long lines ; Pt. V, 20 long lines. Each with single bounding lines, ruled with a drypoint four bifolia at a time, on either hair or flesh side. I, written by two scribes: The tituli are in awkward uncials and are occasionally washed in yellow and violet as on the opening page of the Compendium, p. Remains of head and tail tabs ; remains of two fore-edge clasps front to back, replaced by a single fore-edge strap and clasp back to front.
Appears to have been written on left-over parchment, pieces trimmed from skins while cutting bifolia. This would account for the frequent use of single leaves. Scherrer, Verzeichniss der Handschriften der Stifts- bibliothek von St. Gallen, Halle, , ; T. Bruckner, Scriptoria medii aevi Helvetica, t.
A composite manuscript of two parts brought together between and Chronica Eusebii Caesariensis epis-. Cenodoxiae superbia familiariter coniunguntur. Parchment thick, with some holes , 48f. Written by one person in a late Caroline minuscule. Carefully corrected throughout ; portions scored for reading aloud. Composed of two separate manuscripts of the mid-twelfth century i. Paul that as many men will go to heaven as angels fell from it ; second hand f. Written by two scribes: Bound in Roan by Bretherton for Phillipps, Restored recently in Rome.
Written in Italy, probably at Nonantola, Part I at the end of the tenth or the beginning of the eleventh century according to Bischoff, Part II in the first half of the twelfth century. The manuscript appears five times in the Nonantola inventories: Chronica Eusebii Gullotta, ed. Ruysschaert, Les manuscrits de l 'Abbaye de Nonantola: Removed in with the Nonantola manuscripts to the Biblioteca Sessoriana of Santa Croce in Gerusalemme in Rome, to disappear from there with other manuscripts between and Acquired by Sir Thomas Phillipps in 1 see A.
Munby, Phillipps Studies, 4, Cambridge, , 2. Consulted by Mommsen at Cheltenham in Acquired in by the Robinson firm see Munby, ibid. Sold in the Robinson Trust sale, Sotheby's Nov. Lachmann, Archivdirektor, Hessisches Staatsarchiv, for having kindly answered our questions about the bifolium and for permission to reproduce it. We are especially grateful to Mary A.
The Cyprian Part One
Rouse, who was involved at many stages of this project. A photograph of the whole of f. Vezin, Paris, , p. Bischoff, Latin Palaeography, trans. Ganz, Cambridge, , p. Wolff, Friederich Kiich, in Marburger Gelehrte in der 1. Schnack, Marburg, , p. The director of the Staatsarchiv Marburg at the time was Dr. Johannes Papritz director We are assured by the current director that correspondence between Bischoff and Papritz now on file at the Staatsarchiv gives no suggestion that Dr.
Papritz attempted to restrict access to the Marburg fragments. Wilhelm Alfred Eckhardt, then a wissenschaftlicher Hilfsarbeiter and subsequently Leitender Archivdirektor at the Marburg archives. Pierpont Morgan Library, E. A photograph for Lowe was requested by Bischoff in September It was apparently too late, however, to include the Mar-. James John informs us that he corrected Bischoff's draft description of Tt against the fragment itself in August , in preparation for an eventual supplement. I had heard as a rumour, that the Marburg State Archive possessed fragments of manuscripts, which, however, were inaccessible.
On one of my journeys this double information was confirmed in another Hessian archive. I went to Marburg, and it was perhaps due to the circumstance that the director was absent that I could do a peep into a very large collection of well-prepared, chronologically and paleographically classified fragments ; I don't know of any other archive with a comparable fonds.
As far as CLA was concerned, the harvest consisted of six new items, amongst them a bifolium of one of Cyprian's writings in African uncial of the fifth century and the oldest pieces of a large number of fragments in Anglo-Saxon script ; the ninth-century material was increased by several dozen items. This fonds has a special importance ; for, a considerable portion of these Anglo-Saxon fragments written in Germany as well of the fragments in Caroline minuscule came from the medieval library of Fulda abbey which got lost on the occasion of a removal in the Thirty Years War ; it is possible that many of the codices fell into the hands of bookbinders in Marburg or Kassel.
Lowe, and with E. Lowe, an unpublished memoir, We are grateful to Professor John for having brought the memoir to our attention and for permitting us to quote from it. Bischoff never revised the memoir for publication, and we have accordingly corrected minor matters of punctuation and usage, at the owner's suggestion.
He discussed it again and provided a reproduction of f. Seider, Palaographie der lateinischen Papyri, 2. Hartel, 3, Vienna, , p. The parchment is thin, to the point that letters occasionally show through. Lachmann for allowing us to examine the fragile leaf and for discussing its history with us. Lowe's discussion of the identifying features of African uncial appears in the introduction to CLA Suppl. See the facsimile by C. White, Portions of the Gospels according to St.
Burkitt, Notes on codex k, Journal of Theological Studies, 5, , p.
Bemerkungen zu einem palaographisch-u'berlieferungsgeschichtlichen Problem, Litterae Medii Aevi Festschrift fur Johanne Autenrieth zu ihrem Spilling, Sigmaringen, , p. Steinhauser, Codex Leningradensis Q. Some Unresolved Problems, in De doctrina Christiana: A Classic of Western Culture, ed. Bright, Notre Dame, , p. Bischoff was apparently not convinced by Brunholzl's argument ; see Manuscripts in the Early Middle Ages 2 ; and his Latin Palaeography, Cambridge, 1 , p.
Wolff, Das Hessische Staatsarchiv in Marburg: A brief notice of Marburg 1. Gugel, Welche erhaltenen mittelalterlichen Handschriften durfen der Bibliothek des Klosters Fulda zugerechnet werden? Only two other products of the late antique booktrade are known to have belonged to Fulda: Of the numerous late antique codices reused as binding material, it is striking that seldom more than one to five leaves are known. Perhaps the other leaves were used for smaller reinforcements, wrappers, or glue, and have thus vanished.
Regarding the history of the Fulda Library see F. Falk, Bibliotheca fulden- sis und Bibliotheca laureshamensis, Beiheft zum Centralblatt fur Bibliothekswesen, 26, Leipzig, , with a discussion of the surviving Fulda manuscripts ; P. Christ, Die Bibliothek des Klosters Fulda im Jahrhundert, Zentralblatt fur Bibliothekswesen, Beiheft 64, Leipzig, , and idem, Die Handschriftenverzeichnisse der Fuldaer Klosterbibliothek aus dem Jahrhundert, in Aus Fuldas Geistesleben, 40 ; A.
Brall, Von der Klosterbibliothek zur Landesbibliothek, Stuttgart, , esp. A full list of surviving manuscripts is provided at the head of the entry for Fulda in Kramer Herrad Spilling for responding to our queries regarding Fulda and its books. Regarding the large number of pre-tenth-century manuscripts of Cyprian's works and the problems of establishing their stemmatic relationships, see M.
Concerning the choice of these five manuscripts, see idem, The Tradition of Manuscripts: A Study in the Transmission of St. Cyprian's Treatises, Oxford, , ch. A useful survey of the circulation of Cyprian's works before can be found in P. Regarding the history and readings of V see the detailed study by P. Petit- mengin, Le codex Veronensis de saint Cyprien: Petitmengin, Notes sur des manuscrits patristiques latins 2: The line numbers correspond to Simonetti's Corpus Christianorum. The solution will not be as straightforward as it was with British Library Add.
Lowe, More Facts about Our Oldest. Latin Manuscripts, Classical Quarterly, 22, , p. She is uncorrupted and pure. She knows one home, she guards with chaste modesty the sanctity of one bed. She keeps us for God. She appoints the sons whom she has born for the kingdom. Whoever is separated from the Church and unites with an adulteress, is separated from the promises of the Church.
No one who forsakes the Church of Christ can receive the rewards of Christ. He is a stranger; he is profane; he is an enemy. No one can have God for his Father, who does not have the Church for his mother. He who gathers anywhere than in the Church, scatters the Church of Christ. This sacrament of unity, this unbreakable bond of concord, is demonstrated in the Gospel, when the coat of the Lord Jesus Christ is not at all divided nor cut, but is received as a whole garment by those who cast lots for it. It is whole and undivided. No one who splits and divides the Church of Christ can possess the garment of Christ….
Who, then, is so wicked and faithless, who is so insane with the madness of discord, as to believe that the unity of God can be divided, or to dare to tear the garment of the Lord, the Church of Christ? The Apostle Paul urges this same unity: Be united in the same mind and in the same judgment. Or the savageness of dogs, the deadly venom of serpents, or the bloody cruelty of wild animals?
We are to be congratulated when people like this are separated from the Church, rather than overcoming the doves and sheep of Christ with their cruel poison. Bitterness cannot coexist with sweetness, darkness with light, rain with clear skies, war with peace, barrenness with fertility, drought with water, or storms with tranquility.
Do not think that good people can depart from the Church. The wind does not carry away the wheat, nor does the hurricane uproot a tree based on a solid root. It is only light straws that are tossed about by the tempest and feeble trees that are blown down by the whirlwind. The Apostle John condemns people like this: This is why heresies often been started, and still continue to arise, because twisted faithless minds refuse to live in peace and unity. But the Lord permits this, while people still have free will, so that the Truth will test our hearts and our minds, allowing the sound faith of those that pass the test to shine out.
The unrighteous are the ones who on their own authority, without any divine arrangement, set themselves up to preside over the daring strangers who assemble with them, who appoint themselves bishops without any law of ordination. Their speech creeps like a cancer, their talk is a deadly poison in every heart and breast. People are not washed by them, they are made filthy. Their sins are not purged away, but are piled high. Such a birth does not give sons to God, but to the devil. They are born by falsehood, and they do not receive the promises of truth.
They are conceived through sin, and lose the grace of faith. This shows that our firm and faithful agreement is essential. But how can you agree with anyone if you do not agree with the Church itself, and with the universal brotherhood? For we have not withdrawn from them, but they from us. Their success in building many places of worship from which to spawn further heresies and schisms has emboldened them in forsaking the source of the truth.
The Lord says to those also who are in his Church, that if they agree with each other in his instructions and are united in prayer — even of only two or three are present — they will receive what they ask from the majesty of God…. He does not divide people from the Church — after all, he himself set up and created the Church. Instead, to rebuke the faithless for their discord and commend peace to the faithful, he shows that he is with two or three who pray with one mind, rather than with a great many who disagree, and that more can be obtained by the harmonious prayer of a few, than by the discordant prayer of many.
Even if people like this become martyrs for the name of Christ, their stain is not washed away. The unforgivable grievous sin of discord is not purged by suffering. You cannot be a martyr outside the Church. You cannot enter the kingdom when you shun those that will reign there…. Those who fall out cannot receive the rewards of Christ. He who does not have love does not have God. They may be burned, or lay down their lives, or be thrown to the wild beasts.
This will not prove to be the crown of faith, but the punishment of sin. It is not the glorious ending of religious valor, but the destruction of despair. Such people may be slain, they cannot be crowned. What do you think were the rights and wrongs of the disagreement about whether to readmit repentant apostates to the church?
Should all repentant sinners be welcomed back to the church?