Aspektuelle Verbalperiphrasen im Spanischen (German Edition)

Deutsche Syntax im Sprachenvergleich. Absent argument on the absentive: Grammatical category or just pragmatic inference? Discourse marker equal to discourse particle equal to modal particle? Strong modality and truth disposability in syntactic subordination: What is the locus of the phase edge validating modal adverbials? Studia Linguistica 69, 3 appearing in December Pervasive underspecification of diathesis, modality, and structural case coding: Die Wortklassen und Wortformen.

The syntax of predication. Linguistic Inquiry 24, The representational function of language. Reference to kinds in English. University of Massachusetts at Amherst. Printed version bei Garland Press, New York. Werner Abraham Chierchia, Gennaro. Individual level predicates as inherent generics. A null theory of phrase and compound stress. Essays on actions and events. Verben, Ereignisse und das Lexikon. Stativity, supervenience, and sentential subjects. Event arguments in syntax, semantics, and discourse. Pragmatic properties of certain German and English left peripheral constructions.

Zur Syntax der linken Peripherie im Deutschen. Tense and aspect in the languages of Europe. Mouton de Gruyter, Stage levels, states, and the semantics of the copula. ZAS Papers in Linguistics 14, Events and their descriptions: Essays in honor of Carl G. Events as property exemplifications. Das Verbum substantivum aus synchroner, diachroner und typologischer Sicht. Natural Language Semantics 9. On the limits of the Davidsonian approach: A Minimalist analysis of stage level and individual level predicates.

The Department of English in Lund: Working Papers in Linguistics 1, On the distinction between abstract states, concrete states, and tropes. Introduction — Ancien Germanique — Vieil Anglais. A comprehensive grammar of the English language. The fine structure of the left periphery. Handbook in Generative Syntax. The structure of stative verbs. Gotisch, Alt-, Mittel- und Neuhochdeutsch. According to this approach, all predicates are decomposable into a copula and the rest of the predicate. In this sense, each copula is conceived as an auxiliary devoid of any additional grammatical and lexical components.

The copula signals finiteness and nothing more. It is at the center of any syntactic analysis. The quality of the word class of the rest of the predicate can be verbal, nominal, or adjectival. The only grammatical category that is added to the lexical element is the word class quality. Backed up by this approach, the construction of the absentive in German will be given a new analysis from a synchronic as well as a diachronic perspective.

There is a lot of historical evidence that the absentive has always been part of the system of the German language, whereas progressive forms never have been an intrinsic part of the structure of German, as long as there was an older functioning aspect system. It will be shown that these different constructions represented not just different tenses, but different qualities of finiteness. Absentive compared with aspect The grammatical category of the absentive was introduced by de Groot , who discovered it in eight European languages while working within the framework of the Eurotype project.

De Groot , labels this feature as local deixis. With respect to the feature of local deixis the category of aspect comes into the picture. It is well established that the perfective aspect also involves displacement of the canonical local origo and thus also implies local deixis. We are consequently faced with the question how to account for the difference between the feature of local deixis of the absentive compared with the feature of local deixis of the perfective aspect. What we are looking for is an additional distinguishing feature with respect to the shared feature of local deixis.

The perfective aspect displaces the person of the speaker, locating it outside of the event outer view aspect , this in contrast to the imperfective aspect inner view aspect , whereas the absentive does not displace the person of the speaker from the canonical origo, but rather the person the speaker is talking about. In other words, the displacement of the locutionary person the speaker is encoded by the perfective aspect, whereas the displacement of the propositional person or subject is construed by the absentive, as in 1: Elisabeth Leiss Interestingly enough, the absentive, while sharing the feature of local displacement with the perfective aspect, displays also clear affinities to the imperfective aspect inner view aspect including the progressive aspect.

The shared feature is the non-displacement of the locutionary person speaker: In other words, one person is placed in some unlimited present space, whereas the other person is located distant from this place. In sum, the absentive is characterized by a complex mixture of aspectual features. This implies that the absentive construction is an extremely marked grammatical category, compared to aspect. Extreme markedness regularly correlates with low frequency.

This generalization holds not only for phonological systems cross-linguistically see Maddieson , but also for the architecture of grammatical categories in different languages. This explains why not all grammatical categories are present in all languages. What is universal, in phonological as well as in grammatical systems, are the basic buildings blocks so- called macro vowels and macro consonants, present in all languages and their principles of construal. We hold that language is a tool kit and not a basket full of phonological, grammatical or lexical elements. If we understand this principle, we do not have to find the absentive in a large range of languages in order to be capable to qualify it as a grammatical category.

The absentive is a highly marked, and therefore a quite rare grammatical category, comparable with one of the rare sounds in some Bantu languages. Ich bin langlaufen 'I am off jogging'. Occurrences of the absentive in Old- and Middle High German The following first steps in the diachronic investigation of the absentive aim at evidencing that the formal similarities of the absentive construction and the progressive aspect are based on functional affinities.

Starting from the formal similarity between constructions in German as in 2 and 3 , the diachronic rise of these constructions will be investigated. No information is given concerning the frequency of these constructions in Middle High German. He compares them with New High German constructions such as: Nevertheless, he considers the possibility that these constructions might have been catalyzed by their formal forerunners.

In contrast to Aron and Langl , who follows Aron , I will try to show that we are faced with instances of the absentive in Germanic languages from the very beginning. These calques already occur in Greek and Latin translations, where they are used in translations of biblical or theological texts by preference or even exclusively. The same holds for Gothic and later stages of the Germanic languages.

These calques were almost never used in other text types and are not well understood by most of the language users, except the literate scholars. The counter- argument to this suggestion is the study of Crenshaw , which showed that the frequency of the construction either increased drastically in Middle High and Early New High German texts or was being avoided completely. According to Crenshaw , the learned progressive construction died out as soon as the non- biblical texts, both written and printed, began to outweigh the biblical ones. De Groot also searched for forerunners of the absentive in Old English.

As a side effect, he contributed to the difficult question of the forerunner of the Standard English progressive aspect, which is well researched but still a matter of controversy. The examples given by de Groot , are: According to de Groot , the construction in 9 is to be qualified as an absentive construction, whereas the construction with the present participle in 8 has progressive meaning: The progressive was used in biblical texts, whereas the absentive construction 9 was used in ordinary speech or dialogues de Groot , , who refers to Dal Zur Entstehung des englischen Participium Praesentis auf -ing.

Norsk Tiddsskrift for Sprogvidenskap 16; no pages given.

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Elisabeth Leiss frequency of the absentive in older texts, such as Old English texts, to the rareness of dialogues transmitted. To support this thesis, he cites a Middle English dialogue, where the absentive is realized de Groot , Interestingly enough, there is also an occurrence of the absentive in Old High German,5 classified under different labels until today, but which could be considered the earliest absentive construction detected to date. Aron , 42 identifies an Old High German construction as the forerunner and catalyzer of the New High German constructions in 6 to 8 , which we qualify with de Groot as absentives: Italics added by de Groot, emphasis bold added by E.

It was rather the first occurrence that was categorized as an absentive by Langl What we get by this translation is clearly an absentive. Aron qualifies this construction as a telic and elliptical construction. The thesis of an ellipsis of the participle II is also often held for modern absentive constructions, and the qualification of the embedded infinitive as an infinitive of purpose is completely compatible with absentive constructions see in de Groot , , as in example 5 given by Aron To sum up the logic of our arguments: The absentive is not an innovative construction in German.

It is furthermore a strongly marked and rare constructions, which should be found primarily in written colloquial texts that have come down to us. The absentive construction is lost in English, whereas it survived in German counter to Vogel It can be qualified as a genuine construction of older stages of the Germanic languages.

In contrast, the old progressive goes back to a translational calque that remained unfamiliar to the majority of illiterate speakers. It will be substantiated with additional arguments in the next section. Elisabeth Leiss 3. The naturalness of the absentive and the unnaturalness of the participial progressive in the diachrony of German It seems sound to assume that the absentive was a genuine part of all older stages of German and English. Most of these infinitives were inflected infinitives, especially in the dative -enne.

In Middle High German the ending of the predicate participle became opaque even for the literate people.

They began to mix up endings and construed the loaned progressive construction with the same ending as inflected infinitives, or vice versa. This means that the occurrences of infinitives in Middle High German and Early New High German go back partly to old infinitives, partly to the erosion of an opaque predicative present participle. According to Erdmann , 92 , the confusion of inflected infinitives and present participles began already in Old High German: The inflected infinitive is lost in Standard German. Maybe this loss is due to the rise of the definite article, which triggers new constructions such as Das Leiden ist schwer zum Ertragen in German dialects, where the dative ending of the infinitive is deleted and added to the preposition in form of a so-called clitisized article that consists of the dative ending only.

Maybe it is even wrong to speak of a clitisized article. It could simply be a definite zero- article plus dative inflection, where the dative is moved forward to the preposition. As there are inflected conjunctions in German dialects see Abraham , it seems not illogical to hypothesize inflected prepositions for these varieties as well. Quite in contrast, inflected prepositions would fit well into the grammatical system of Bavarian and other varieties. Whoever wishes to falsify this hypothesis has to find occurrences of the assumed forerunners of prepositions with full, non- clitisized articles.

Note that we cannot be sure that we have to do with a definite inflected zero-article since an indefinite inflected zero-article would also be able to transport the dative ending to the preposition. Neither in Latin, nor in Greek and the Germanic language, were these calques characteristic of texts other than translated religious texts and the religious literature. He counts occurrences of the progressive, amongst which are 27 occurrences that are construed without a copula.

The predicative construction of the present participle was obviously quite rare in Gothic. Metlen finds that congruent with the rareness of the former progressive in Old English, where only 3 occurrences are documented in Beowulf Metlen , There remains a question to be answered: Loans can be integrated, under the condition that there is a structural slot for the function of this construction. However, as soon as we take into account the aspectual system that existed in Gothic, Old High German, and Old English, we understand that there was no need for a progressive construction see Leiss as well as Leiss , where the aspectual system is described in more detail.

As this system was still functioning in Gothic, and partly in Old High German, and as a relic system in Middle High German, there was no need to adopt a functional equivalent additional to the imperfective aspect. Synonyms are clearly avoided. This holds even more for grammatical functions than for lexical meanings. When the aspectual system dissolved, the calque of a progressive was already being mixed up with the constructions involving inflected infinitives. In Early New High German, the copula is construed either with present participles or infinitives, but we never can be sure which meaning was intended.

The endings are mixed up. Even attributive present participles appear as infinitives, especially in the northern varieties of 8 A look into the Old High German Otfrid reveals that the present participle is also extremely frequent in Otfrid, especially in rhymes. As far as I am informed, there is yet no inventory of the progressive forms in Old High German texts. There are texts which favor the form of an infinitive in copula constructions, and others that are completely devoid of it.

Additionally, we have to keep in mind that this erosive process has resulted in different patterns in different areal varieties. Despite these variables, there is good reason to assume that the absentive construction in New High German goes back at least to Old High German. This construction was a genuine part of the grammatical system of German and English from the earliest documented times. Its functions were different from those of the aspectual system.

Thus, the absentive was neither a translational calque nor a functional equivalent of any other construction. In sum, there was no reason to give up the absentive. It survived a period of formal chaos, due to the erosion and dissolvement of predicative present participles. We find three periods of language change with respect to durative constructions in German: As the aspectual system in English dissolved much earlier than in German, the grammaticalization process of the English progressive form started earlier than in German, where its grammaticalization is still in progress.

Needless to say that there are additional factors that influence the architecture of the re-aspectualization in both languages that cannot be accounted for in a short paper. There are rather two types of copulae that have to be accounted for. On two types of copulae in the history of German: It is important to understand that only the past progressive is a progressive in the strict sense, insofar as it denotes events located in time and space.

M already PREP youth: The context is that an angel announces to the mother of Saint John that her son will be a person that is a strong fastener. In other words, the announcement refers to the property of a person and not to an action of this person or to an event. Additional examples from Otfrid will illustrate this difference: It is announced that God will be praised from eternity to eternity independent of time and from world to world independent of space. There is no anchoring in time and space. Abraham this volume also refers to this distinction.

None of them are adopted in our approach. In other words, the present progressive in Old High German is not a progressive in the strict sense, but rather a construction that encodes generic knowledge. In contrast to this, the past progressive in Old High German represents a prototypical progressive that encodes durative events anchored in time and space. At this point, one might ask whether it is not a critical point of this analysis that the progressive in Old High German is realized as a past progressive but not as a present progressive.

How probable is it that a grammatical category starts in a marked tense such as the past tense and not in the unmarked present tense? What we are faced with here is a unilateral implicature. There are no languages to be found that have only a present progressive, but no past progressive. We learn that the grammaticalization of the progressive starts in the past. Maybe this is due to the quality of the copula involved in the progressive construction. Knowledge is encoded by analytic sentences, and in a wider sense, also by generic sentences as well as by all sentences that refer to events without time-space-coordinates.

Knowledge is stored in the semantic memory a subtype of the long-term memory , in contrast to experiences that are stored in the episodic memory which is also a subtype of the long-term memory storing autobiographic and individual memories of events. Subjective experiences are encoded by synthetic sentences, whereas intersubjective knowledge is encoded by analytic sentences.

Analytic sentences do not refer to events with time-space coordinates whereas synthetic sentences do. We believe that there is more involved than just the difference between stage and individual predicates. What we find is rather a linguistic means to encode the difference between knowledge and experience, which is so essential for human-specific cognition that it comes as no surprise that languages are able to account for this difference with different copulae.

Maybe this is the very reason why we find so much suppletivism in the paradigms of copulae. The present participle represented the nonfinite parts of the predicate. Inspired by this method, as well as inspired by the different qualities of copulae that we found in our diachronic investigation, we propose that there are two different qualities of finiteness encoded by the copulae at our disposal; these different qualities are found as relics in our suppletive systems. We find studies such as Jost , Bolze , Broz , making interesting observations concerning the functions of the copulae in suppletive systems.

Abraham this volume suggests that the different qualities of copulae may be reduced formally and appear homonymous as a consequence. According to Abraham, they nevertheless represent different semantics stage level versus individual level predicates. This terminology fits well for stative predicates. Semantic and episodic memory are essential parts of human-specific cognition. A thorough investigation of diachronic data might help us to understand the linguistic making of finiteness. Copulae are the essential building blocks of syntax.

A copula is the head of all syntactic heads in a sentence.

La Cabane Magique Tome 27

One of these memories stores our individual experience and is intrinsically referential in quality episodic memory , the other one abstracts from personal experience and stores knowledge which is socialized experience that is of value for all speakers semantic memory. Sources Lancelet von Ulrich von Zatzikhoven.

Mouton Trends in Linguistics. Studies and Monographs , —. Language Typology and Universals 61, Let me add that this seminal insight which it is , can be dated at least to the end of the 13th century. Elisabeth Leiss —. Baer New York University: Ottendorfer Memorial Series of Germanic Monographs Eurotyp , Comparative studies in Early Germanic languages.

With a focus on verbal categories. Benjamins Studies in Language Companion Series , With a focus on verbal categories Amsterdam, Philadelphia: Goodwin, 2nd editon, with a preface by Werner Abraham. The present participle in Old High German. Niemeyer Sammlung kurzer Grammatiken germanischer Dialekte A. Verlag der Buchhandlung des Waisenhauses.

Structural-functional studies in English grammar. In honor of Lachlan Mackenzie. Benjamins Studies in Language Companion Series 83 , Review of Roby Eine genealogisch-typologische Fallstudie zum Verbum substantivum. Synchrone und diachrone Untersuchung des Absentivs und Progressivs im Deutschen. Gelderen, Elly van ed.

Does the Gothic bible represent idiomatic Gothic? Introduction — ancien Germanique — vieil Anglais. Auflage, neu bearbeitet von Peter Wiehl und Siegfried Grosse. Niemeyer Sammlung kurzer Grammatiken deutscher Texte A,2. The case of ser and estar in Spanish. Benjamins Studies in Language Companion Series Berlin; der Gruyter , The chapter addresses instances of war gewesen i.

As is well known, the core meaning of these verbs lies in the expression of the semantic concept EXISTENCE which constitutes a common grammatica- lization source for the development of copulas, causatives, modals, and auxiliary verbs cf. According to him, the verbum substantivum in these constructions wholly or mostly keeps its genuine semantics of existence as well as its valency properties linked to it Kotin , 1.

Thereby the degree of the preserved existential reading is triggered both by the aspectual features i. The existential meaning is hence supposed to be more retained in constructions with transitive verbs, while durative verbs are expected to invoke a reduction of the existential meaning.

These dependencies lead to a scale of EXISTENCE, whereby constructions with transitive resultative complements form the less grammaticalized and intransitive durative complements display the less existential, but most grammaticalized meanings, cf. Considering its diachronic aspect, it is well known that the grammaticalization process of perfect and passive constructions starts with transitive resultative verbs, while intransitive durative verbs are the last to enter the construction cf.

The occurrence of imperfective verbs is furthermore seen as the crucial factor that triggers the auxiliation process. Considering its synchronic dimension, on the other hand, it can be expected that the constructions on the left of the scale, i. Mainly of interest will be a diachronic analysis of peculiar instances that are currently observed in contemporary colloquial German and seem, at first glance, to be an uncommon usage of the pluperfect, cf.

Ich war gestern in der Kneipe gewesen. Ich war gestern in der Kneipe. Hence the participle gewesen seems to be redundant as claimed e. We can thus assume that the construction would display a very high degree of auxiliation. In the following, it will be argued that this is indeed true. Italian era stato, Dutch was geweest, German war gewesen.

Sonja Zeman characteristics of war gewesen against the background of the general grammaticalization of pluperfect constructions. Section 3 discusses the question whether examples like 1a can be interpreted as a new stage of grammaticalization. This seems to be a natural conclusion since, cross- linguistically, pluperfects tend to develop simple past meanings cf. Salkie ; Squartini ; Bertinetto Based on a pragmatic-textual analysis, Section 4 suggests an alternative approach by arguing that the participle gewesen functions as an extension mechanism, such as described analogously for the Double Perfect Forms DPF cf.

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Furthermore, the phenomenon has already been addressed in the literature at the turn of the 20th century Ziemer ; Blase , so that both its attested history and frequency would speak against plain performance errors. So what are the specific differences of examples like 1a in comparison to conventional uses of the pluperfect? Rather, te and ts seem to be directly related, while the reference time tr appears to be missing. The striking effect thus seems to go back to a mismatch between the morphological form of a pluperfect and its conventional semantics.

However, things are not so simple. As a result, past time specific adverbials can specify the reference time 3a or the event time 3b. In 3b , in contrast, the temporal adverbial indicates the time when the event actually happened. Sonja Zeman pluperfect thus differs from present perfect forms with prototypical perfect semantics insofar as it allows the combination with past specific adverbials referring to the event time. In contrast, past-in-the-past readings of the pluperfect in context of past specific adverbials are attested already in the MHG period,4 cf.

It is important to note that the focus shift to te is not triggered by the aspectuality of the verb complement. With respect to the diachronic development of perfect constructions, it is commonly supposed that the focus shift from resultant state to past eventive meaning is induced by perfect constructions with participles of imperfective verbs. As is well known, at the beginning of the grammaticalization process, the perfect is restricted to resultative, transitive verbal complements, since stative verbs 4 If one considers the ambiguity of the pluperfect to be a synchronic mechanism cf.

When such verbs enter the construction, the absence of a resultant state reading thus leads to a focus shift to the past event. Because of this biphasicness, the construction as a whole preserves a perfect semantics. This indicates that the past-in-the-past reading of the pluperfect cannot be paralleled with the later monophasic eventive past readings of the perfect that result from the diachronic focus shift from resultant state to eventive past readings. In other words, there is a crucial difference between the focus on the event within a biphasic perfect construction and the general loss of the tr component which would constitute the prerequisite for a simple past reading.

So while the pluperfect allows for eventive past-in-the-past readings, it nevertheless remains a perfect. In 5 , the pluperfect introduces a flashback and, linked with that, a second temporal plane of the story at which the prior event did take place. Relatedly, the MHG pluperfect cannot be used as a propulsive tense that can advance the reference time in sequences of events cf.

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This means that while it is prototypically used in narrative contexts, it is not a narrative tense. However, there is another factor which seems to trigger an eventive reading, namely its occurrence in a deictic reference frame that is directly linked to the time of speech. In the older stages of German, such instances are very rare as the pluperfect is prototypically used in contexts of the preterite cf.

Lindgren , 36 , which introduces a past established reference time that serves as an anchor for the pluperfect cf. Thieroff , ; Welke , If the pluperfect is used in a non-canonical, present tense context, MHG pluperfect constructions already seem to display past meanings that, at first glance, look similar to the absolute deictic use in 1a , cf. Does this mean that instances of war gewesen are just simple past-in-the-past readings as already attested for the MHG data where an eventive reading is triggered by the unconventional embedding in a deictic context?

Clearly, the frequent spread of the pluperfect to non-canonical contexts, i. However, the MHG pluperfect—even in its past-in- the-past reading—seems to preserve a perfect meaning. Also in 6 , a second temporal plane is established, as it is clear from the context that the event of hearing has happened before some reference time in the past.

This holds for examples of imperfective verbs as well, even for instances of the verb of sein, cf. The speaker is talking about his queen who has been accused of a crime. In this respect, the pluperfect of stative verbs also displays a prototypical perfect semantics. After this short diachronic synopsis, we can thus conclude that the pre- past-meaning is neither the only nor the prevalent reading of the pluperfect in contemporary and older stages of German.

Furthermore, the analysis has shown a crucial difference between the focus shift between a resultant state and an eventive reading versus the loss of the tr component. However, the pluperfect also maintains its perfect semantics in these absolute uses by establishing a reference point for a second temporal plane. Thus, although the pluperfect occurs — unlike the present perfect — in narrative contexts, it is not used as a propulsive tense that would advance the discourse time. As shown in example 7 , the perfect semantics is even maintained for the pluperfect of stative verbs like sein in deictic contexts.

The fact that they cannot be interpreted as simple past readings indicates that the usage of war gewesen as observed in examples like 1a is not attested for the older stages of German. Hence, the question arises whether this usage displays a new stage of grammaticalization — a question that will be addressed in the next section. A new stage of grammaticalization In the previous section, it was shown that the pluperfect — although it denotes a variety of different meanings — does not display the same meaning as war gewesen in example 1a.

This leads to the suggestion that the latter use shows a diachronic semantic extension of the pluperfect, as claimed in Hennig , Bertinetto , and Brandner et al. Hennig , 66 argues that, since the pluperfect can be used as a simple past tense in the colloquial spoken register, the distinction between pluperfect, perfect and preterite becomes neutralized in contemporary German.

Its development can thus be described as a gradual loss of the reference to a past temporal anchor that establishes a second temporal plane. This contradiction might be resolved by taking into account the bifurcation of the German tense system since the increased usage of the pluperfect is mainly attested in dialects of Central Germany while the loss of pluperfect is assumed for Upper German.

See also Section 4 with respect to regional aspects of war gewesen. Sonja Zeman time ts without any relation to a further reference time tr cf. Dahl , ; Salkie , 29; Bybee et al. Besides, the pluperfect can also become an aoristic tense that indicates specific events within a narrative sequence as an alternative to purely perfective past tenses Bertinetto , 5. If we look at war gewesen in the initial example 1a , one can see, however, that such examples can be explained neither in terms of remoteness nor in terms of aoristic pastness.

She has looked in my throat and ausculated me and has palpated my lymphatic nodes up to the clavicle. With respect to its use in colloquial narratives, this is a very common pattern that indicates that war gewesen can be used as a space builder that introduces an anchoring point for a new temporal frame and does not behave anaphorically cf. Irandoust , for a similar analysis of the French pluperfect. This explains why the examples of war gewesen in online discussion boards and blogs predominantly occur in headlines and at the beginning or the end of a section and are not integrated into a narrative sequence itself.

This means that the usage of war gewesen does not behave like a narrative pluperfect. This is also seen in cross-linguistic comparison to the distribution of the pluperfect in a dialectal variety where it is used as a narrative tense. Thereby the pluperfect frequently occurs in order to mark a narrative peak in the complication section, similar to the cross- linguistically observed distribution of the historical present cf.

McLintock ; Schubert A hybridization So far, it was presumed that the deictic usage in 1a is morphologically a pluperfect. There is, however another possibility discussed in the literature which goes back to the claim that the use of war gewesen is a phenomenon linked to the colloquial use in certain dialects, cf. Auf die Frage — wo warst Du? Er kann mit — ich war — oder mit — ich bin gewesen — antworten. Nicht selten ist die Kombination davon — ich war gewesen —. However, while it is certainly possible that the Central German region was the starting point for the semantic extension of war gewesen, neither the pluperfect nor the hybrid hypothesis can explain why the deictic use is predominantly attested for instances with the verbs haben and sein cf.

Although this observation has not been validated by statistical analyses, it is substantiated by the fact that in various stories in the data collection, sein is systematically transferred to war gewesen, while full verbs are used in past forms, i. Also konnte mir auch nichts passierten. Firstly, I did not understand at all what the topic was.

Because when they have sung, it had been very hard. I sat at the very top and in the middle of the row. Therefore, nothing could happen to me. Due to its internal homogenous additive structure, sein as a stative verb lacks an internal boundary and, as a participle complement in a perfect construction, does not denote any resultant state cf. Leiss ; Alexiadou , As a result, the distinction between the focus on the event vs.

Ich war immer noch in der Kneipe gewesen, als ich die Nachricht bekommen habe. Ich war immer noch in der Kneipe gewesen. Dort habe ich die Nachricht bekommen. There I got the message. Instead, an experiential reading is triggered that denotes an event situated in a past reference frame that does not include the time of speech. As a result, war gewesen in 10b denotes that an interval of being has taken place that is bounded by a past reference frame.

In other words, the aspectual value in 10b does not refer to the boundedness of the verbal event, but to the whole verbal situation. This is in line with recent studies that question the status of the DPF as perfect constructions. In this respect, Barbiers et al. This means that rather than grammaticalized perfect constructions, the DPF can be seen as constructions that are subject to an extension mechanism where the participle gewesen to. This is in line with the analysis in Section 3 and example 10 where we have seen that the instances of war gewesen do not focus on the closure of the event but indicate that the state of being has taken place in a past reference frame.

In this respect, the participle gewesen is not a redundant complement but doubles the existential meaning. Besides the existential relation introduced by the preterite war, the participle furthermore indicates that this existential relation had an existence in the world for the relational aspects of the meaning of EXISTENCE see Kotin, this volume , cf.

Sorry for my late notice, I had been to Mallorca and anyway rarely online. As a result, one could speculate whether war gewesen is about to grammaticalize into a veridical marker that expresses the truth of a statement or a belief. From a cross-linguistic view, such a development would not be surprising.

Sonja Zeman 5. To have been or not to have been In sum, we have seen that the meaning of the peculiar instances of war gewesen in contemporary German cannot be explained straightforwardly, as they display neither a prototypical pluperfect meaning nor the function of an anaphoric narrative past tense.

Furthermore, based on the diachronic comparison to the grammaticalization of perfect constructions, it has been shown that the pluperfect is subject to both a synchronic mechanism that allows for a semantic ambiguity between eventive vs.

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With respect to the peculiar occurrences of war gewesen, the analysis has revealed that its specific semantics is triggered by two aspects: As a result, the effect triggered by the participle gewesen does not refer to the aspectuality of the event itself, but rather to the whole verbal situation by situating the state of being within the boundaries of a past reference frame. The pragmatic effect of the external perspective is that the occurrences of war gewesen prototypically display a veridical meaning by putting emphasis on the fact that something actually has taken place and a state of being did exist in a past reference frame.

In this respect, gewesen is not a redundant complement but denotes the existence of an existential relation. Here's how terms and conditions apply. To get the free app, enter mobile phone number. See all free Kindle reading apps. I'd like to read this book on Kindle Don't have a Kindle? Grin Publishing 5 June Language: Be the first to review this item Would you like to tell us about a lower price? Share your thoughts with other customers. Write a product review. Get to Know Us. Delivery and Returns see our delivery rates and policies thinking of returning an item? See our Returns Policy. Visit our Help Pages.

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Funktionsanalyse von Kana Yaf'Alu: Kalininskij Gosudarstvennij Universitet, Translation of "Rezul'Tativ, passiv i perfekt v nemetskom jazyke," in Nedjalkov, ed. Rezul'Tativ, Stativ, Passiv, Perfekt. English translation, , pp.