SAS 84 Le plan Nasser (French Edition)

Internal consistency was, first, controlled by focusing on 3 major variables: For age and gender, less than 0. This finding probably also reflects particular organizations, for example a partnership with a nearby imaging center. According to French law, written informed consent was not required for this type of study. Patients were informed by staff and a short handout and posters were in the waiting area; 0. Descriptive analyses were performed. They included the characteristics of the EDs and then the characteristics of ED users.

EDs users were classified in two ways: Continuous variables, which were non-normally distributed, are reported as median Q1-Q3. Among the surveyed EDs, These characteristics are reported in Table 1. Annual census was 23, Q1-Q3: All characteristics are reported in Table 2. Annual census was 16, Q1-Q3: The chief complaints of consultation are presented in Fig 1. Chief complaints are represented per age in Fig 2. To the best of our knowledge, the French Emergency Survey is the first study that provides data aimed to portray the characteristics of all EDs in a European Country with such exhaustivity [ 30 ].

A previous study performed in among a sample of French EDs and considered as representative of all French EDs reported an annual census of 23, [ 31 ]. The triage nurse concept was introduced in in French EDs [ 32 ]. The decree No — regarding ED organization [ 24 ] recommends that when the activity of the emergency structure allows it, the team should also include a triage nurse. In , the SFMU published triage recommendations [ 33 ] calling for a triage nurse in all EDs with more than 5 patients per hour corresponding to 43, ED visits per year. In our study, every ED with more than 45, ED visits per year had a triage nurse.

Numerous international studies have been published about the use of triage scales [ 34 , 35 ]. But few data are available regarding the rate of triage implementation in developed countries. To mitigate overcrowding, triage, as well as other interventions that aim at improving patient flow, has been extensively evaluated. Short tracks have been shown to be effective in reducing low priority patients waiting time and length of stay, without negatively affecting the times of patients with higher priority [ 26 , 37 — 41 ]. Our results show that ED patients were less likely to have a supplementary health insurance or CMU-C coverage, as compared to the overall French population.

Aden Emergency

Numerous studies have demonstrated that no or poor supplementary health insurance coverage is associated with both difficulties in health care access and frequency of ED visits [ 45 — 48 ]. Thus, over-representation of people with no supplementary health insurance coverage or CMU-c might reflect the social vulnerability of this population. We found approximately the same hospitalization rate as the previous study performed in [ 31 ]. As in , the median hospitalization rate was higher in public hospitals than private hospitals [ 31 ].

The main limitation is that data regarding patients were recorded in real time i. Second, this study has limitations that are common to this type of study design declarative surveys such as reporting bias including social desirability bias and representativeness of the sample. But it is important to note that in most cases, the proxy was a family member. Thus, we can assume that the proxy is sufficiently close to the individual to correctly answer, particularly concerning socio-demographic characteristics.

In addition, the design of the survey allowed for responses to the ED questionnaire provided by an ED administrator, which reduced the risk of missing data and reporting bias. Concerning representativeness of the sample, as And finally, data referred to French EDs, which raises the question of the generalizability of the results.

In , the French Health and Social Affairs Ministry compared the organization of emergency systems in 10 European countries [ 49 ] and reported that major differences existed for pre-hospital care but that EDs were similar. In addition, it underlines how ED organization has been redesigned to face the increase in the number of ED visits, such as the establishment of a triage nurse or of a fast-track process.

Moreover, French EDs appear to have a particular role for vulnerable people, age-related vulnerability as one in five patients are more than 75 years old, but also socio-economic vulnerability, with an over-representation of patients with no complementary health coverage.

These major considerations might guide future studies on the subject of ED organization and care. We also thank all members of the Frenche Society of Emergency Medicine who helped filling the questionnaire on the day of the survey: The funders had no role in study design, data collection and analysis, decision to publish, or preparation of the manuscript. National Center for Biotechnology Information , U. Published online Jun Author information Article notes Copyright and License information Disclaimer. The authors have declared that no competing interests exist. Received Jan 2; Accepted May This is an open access article distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution License , which permits unrestricted use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original author and source are credited.

Glossary of abbreviations used. Abstract Introduction Some major changes have occurred in emergency department ED organization since the early s, such as the establishment of triage nurses and short-track systems. Methods The French Emergency Survey was a nationwide cross-sectional survey. Results Among the EDs in France, were surveyed. Introduction The main aim of emergency medicine EM is prevention, diagnosis, treatment and orientation for patients with a wide range of un-anticipated illnesses or injuries [ 1 — 4 ]. Methods Study design and selection of participants The F rench E mergency S urvey FES was a nationwide cross-sectional survey with a two-level design aiming to describe hospital-based emergency care in France through ED organization and ED patients.

Survey development The research tool was developed by the study steering committee based on a previous survey of a sample of EDs [ 28 ], a literature review and a qualitative study as previously described [ 28 ]. Survey description A two-level design was used for the survey. ED questionnaire The ED questionnaire comprised questions organised as follows: Patient questionnaire For every patient who presented to a participating ED on that day, the patient section of the questionnaire was completed by the patient or the accompanying person under the supervision of the EP. Data collection One study referent in each ED transmitted data from completed questionnaires to a dedicated secure website.

Statistical analysis Descriptive analyses were performed. Results Characteristics of all emergency departments Among the surveyed EDs, Table 1 Characteristics of all emergency department. Open in a separate window. Table 2 Characteristics of general emergency departments. Table 3 Characteristics of triage organization depending on the number of ED visits per year. Users older than 15 years Table 4 Table 4 Characteristics of users older than 15 years. Users younger than 15 years Table 5 Table 5 Characteristics of users younger than 15 years.

Type of chief complaint of user younger than 15 years, by age. Discussion To the best of our knowledge, the French Emergency Survey is the first study that provides data aimed to portray the characteristics of all EDs in a European Country with such exhaustivity [ 30 ]. Study limitations The main limitation is that data regarding patients were recorded in real time i. Supporting information S1 File Appendix glossary. DOCX Click here for additional data file.

Data Availability Data and questionnaires are available at the following address: Definition of Emergency Medicine. Definition of emergency medicine. Policy Statement on Emergency Medicine in Europe Trends and characteristics of US emergency department visits, — Samu Urgences De France. Le livre blanc des Urgences Middleton K, Hing E. According to the Voltaire Network , the Catholic stay-behind Georges Sauge animated conferences there, and the maxim "This Army must be fanatic, despising luxury, animated by the spirit of the Crusades.

The French army officers' uprising was due to a perceived second betrayal by the government, the first having been Indochina — The FEN then published the Manifeste de la classe Women participated in a variety of roles during the Algerian War. The French included some women, both Muslim and French, in their war effort, but they were not as fully integrated, nor were they charged with the same breadth of tasks as the women on the Algerian side. The total number of women involved in the conflict, as determined by post-war veteran registration, is numbered at 11,, but it is possible that this number was significantly higher due to underreporting.

Urban and rural women's experiences in the revolution differed greatly. Urban women, who constituted about twenty percent of the overall force, had received some kind of education and usually chose to enter on the side of the FLN of their own accord. Women operated in a number of different areas during the course of the rebellion. While most women's tasks were non-combatant, their less frequent, violent acts were more noticed. The reality was that "rural women in maquis rural areas support networks" [63] contained the overwhelming majority of those who participated; female combatants were in the minority.

The generals' putsch in April , aimed at canceling the government's negotiations with the FLN, marked the turning point in the official attitude toward the Algerian war. The army had been discredited by the putsch and kept a low profile politically throughout the rest of France's involvement with Algeria. The OAS was to be the main standard bearer for the pieds-noirs for the rest of the war. A major difficulty at the talks was de Gaulle's decision to grant independence only to the coastal regions of Algeria, where the bulk of the population lived, while hanging onto the Sahara, which happened to be rich in oil and gas, while the FLN claimed all of Algeria.

On 10 January , the FLN started a "general offensive" against the OAS, staging a series on the pied-noir communities as a way of applying pressure.

• The French Emergency National Survey: A description of emergency departments and patients in France.
• My Wishlist!
• The French Emergency National Survey: A description of emergency departments and patients in France.

On 20 February a peace accord was reached for granting independence to all of Algeria. These rights included respect for property, participation in public affairs, and a full range of civil and cultural rights. At the end of that period, however, all Algerian residents would be obliged to become Algerian citizens or be classified as aliens with the attendant loss of rights.

Following the cease fire tensions developed between the pied-noir community and their former protectors in the French Army. The black pavement looked grey, as if bleached by fire. Crumpled French flags were lying in pools of blood. Shattered glass and spent carriages were everywhere". My God, we're French In the second referendum on the independence of Algeria , held in April , 91 percent of the French electorate approved the Evian Accords.

The vote was nearly unanimous, with 5,, votes for independence, 16, against, with most pieds-noirs and Harkis either having fled or abstaining. The Provisional Executive, however, proclaimed July 5, the nd anniversary of the French entry into Algeria, as the day of national independence. During the three months between the cease-fire and the French referendum on Algeria, the OAS unleashed a new campaign.

The OAS sought to provoke a major breach in the ceasefire by the FLN, but the attacks now were aimed also against the French army and police enforcing the accords as well as against Muslims. It was the most wanton carnage that Algeria had witnessed in eight years of savage warfare. OAS operatives set off an average of bombs per day in March, with targets including hospitals and schools.

Le plan Nasser by Gérard de Villiers

During the summer of , a rush of pieds-noirs fled to France. Within a year, 1. The Evian Accords had permitted France to maintain its military presence for fifteen years, so the withdrawal in was significantly ahead of schedule. Cairns writing from Paris in declared: Tension has never been higher. Disenchantment in France at least has never been greater. The mindless cruelty of it all has never been more absurd and savage. This last year, stretching from the hopeful spring of to the ceasefire of March 18, spanned a season of shadow boxing, false threats, capitulation and murderous hysteria.

French Algeria died badly. Its agony was marked by panic and brutality as ugly as the record of European imperialism could show. In the spring of the unhappy corpse of empire still shuddered and lashed out and stained itself in fratricide. The whole episode of its death, measured at least seven and half years, constituted perhaps the most pathetic and sordid event in the entire history of colonialism. It is hard to see how anybody of importance in the tangled web of the conflict came out looking well.

Algerian War

Nobody won the conflict, nobody dominated it. At the beginning of the war, on the Algerian side, it was necessary to compensate the military weakness with political and diplomatic struggle, in order to win the war. Indeed, the balance of power was asymmetric between France and the FLN so at this time, victory seemed difficult to achieve. The Algerian revolution began with the insurrection of November 1, when the FLN organized a series of attacks against the French army and military infrastructure, and published a statement calling on Algerians to get involved in the revolution. In the short term however, it had a limited impact: Furthermore, the FLN was weak militarily at the beginning of the war.

It was created in , so its numbers were not numerous. Thus, they could not compete with the French army. In addition to that, there were conflicting divisions within the nationalist groups. As a consequence, the members of the FLN decided to develop a strategy to internationalize the conflict: First, this political aspect would reinforce the legitimacy of the FLN in Algeria.

Secondly, this strategy would be necessary all the more as Algeria had a special status compared to other colonised territories. Thus, the FLN tried to give an international aspect to the conflict to get support from abroad, but also to put a diplomatic pressure on the French government. These objectives are in the statement of Thereby, the conflict rapidly became international thanks to the FLN which used the tensions due to the Cold War and the emergence of the Third World. First of all, the FLN used the tensions between the American and the Soviet blocs to serve its interests.

Indeed, their objective was to be supported materially by the Eastern bloc so that the Western Bloc will react, and will ask for their independence because it is in the American interest that Algeria stays on the western side. The USA couldn't openly tolerate colonisation. But France was their ally, and they couldn't renounce this alliance. Nevertheless, it gave them a bad image abroad, and could encourage Algeria to join the eastern side. After the Second World War , many new states were created as a result of decolonization. In , there were 51 states in the UN , and in , they are Thus, the balance of power in the UN changed a lot, and the recently decolonised countries were now a majority, so they had huge capacities.

In addition to that, those new states are part of the Third-World movement. They went to be a third path in a bipolar world it is the non-alignment , they are against colonisation, and for modernization. As an example, in , a few days after the first insurrection, the radio in Yugoslavia Third-Worldist begin to make propaganda for the struggle of Algeria. Therefore, they are forced to accept more direct support from abroad, and especially the financial and military support from China. This help allowed them to rebuild the ALN with 20 men.

Get A Copy

It means that Algeria has official representatives, so the negotiations with the French government are facilitated. But these negotiations will finally be more positive for the Algerian than for the French government. On the contrary, France is isolated, and is under the pressure of the USA, so they are going to yield. Algeria finally becomes independent with the Evian agreements and largely thanks to the internationalisation of the conflict. For the sake of clarity, each group's exodus is described separately here, although their fate shared many common elements.

Pied-noir literally "black foot" is a term used to name the European-descended population mostly Catholic , who had resided in Algeria for generations; it is sometimes used to include the indigenous Sephardi Jewish population as well, which likewise emigrated after Europeans arrived in Algeria as immigrants from all over the western Mediterranean particularly France, Spain, Italy and Malta , starting in The Maghrebi Jewish population was outnumbered by the Sephardic Jews, who were driven out of Spain in , and was further strengthened by Marrano refugees from the Spanish Inquisition through the 16th century.

In just a few months in , , of them fled, the first third prior to the referendum, in the largest relocation of population to Europe since the Second World War. A motto used in the FLN propaganda designating the pieds-noirs community was "Suitcase or coffin" " La valise ou le cercueil " — an expropriation of a term first coined years earlier by pied-noir "ultras" when rallying the European community to their hardcore line. The French government claimed not to have anticipated such a massive exodus; it estimated that a maximum of —, might enter metropolitan France temporarily.

Nothing was planned for their move to France, and many had to sleep in streets or abandoned farms on their arrival. A minority of departing pieds-noirs , including soldiers, destroyed their possessions before departure, to protest and as a desperate symbolic attempt to leave no trace of over a century of European presence, but the vast majority of their goods and houses were left intact and abandoned.

A large number of panicked people camped for weeks on the docks of Algerian harbors, waiting for a space on a boat to France. About , pieds-noirs chose to remain, but most of those gradually left in the s and s, primarily due to residual hostility against them, including machine-gunning of public places in Oran.

The so-called Harkis , from the Algerian-Arabic dialect word harki soldier , were indigenous Muslim Algerians as opposed to European-descended Catholics or indigenous Algerian Mizrachi Sephardi Jews who fought as auxiliaries on the French side. The term also came to include civilian indigenous Algerians who supported a French Algeria. According to French government figures, there were , Algerian Muslims serving in the French Army in four times more than in the FLN , either in regular units Spahis and Tirailleurs or as irregulars harkis and moghaznis.

In , around 90, Harkis took refuge in France, despite French government policy against this. French historians estimate that somewhere between 50, and , Harkis and members of their families were killed by the FLN or by lynch mobs in Algeria, often in atrocious circumstances or after torture. While it is difficult to enumerate the war's casualties, the FLN estimated in that nearly eight years of revolution effected 1. Some other French and Algerian sources later put the figure at approximately , dead, while French officials estimated it at , French military authorities listed their losses at nearly 25, dead 6, from non-combat-related causes and 65, wounded.

European-descended civilian casualties exceeded 10, including 3, dead in 42, recorded violent incidents. According to French official figures during the war, the army, security forces and militias killed , presumed rebel combatants. More than 12, Algerians died in internal FLN purges during the war. French sources also estimated that 70, Muslim civilians were killed, or abducted and presumed killed, by the FLN.

Martin Evans citing Gilert Meyinier imply at least 55, to up to 60, non-Harki Algerian civilians were killed during the conflict without specifying which side killed them. Horne estimated Algerian casualties during the span of eight years to be around , Uncounted thousands of Muslim civilians lost their lives in French Army ratissages, bombing raids, or vigilante reprisals. In addition, large numbers of pro-French Muslims were murdered when the FLN settled accounts after independence, [1]: After Algeria's independence was recognised, Ahmed Ben Bella quickly became more popular and thereby more powerful.

In June , he challenged the leadership of Premier Benyoucef Ben Khedda ; this led to several disputes among his rivals in the FLN, which were quickly suppressed by Ben Bella's rapidly growing support, most notably within the armed forces. By September, Bella was in de facto control of Algeria and was elected premier in a one-sided election on September 20, and was recognised by the U. Algeria was admitted as the th member of the United Nations on October 8, Afterward, Ben Bella declared that Algeria would follow a neutral course in world politics; within a week he met with U.

Kennedy , requesting more aid for Algeria with Fidel Castro and expressed approval of Castro's demands for the abandonment of Guantanamo Bay. Bella returned to Algeria and requested that France withdraw from its bases there. In November, his government banned political parties, providing that the FLN would be the only party allowed to function overtly. Algeria remained stable, though in a one-party state , until a violent civil war broke out in the s.

For Algerians of many political factions, the legacy of their War of Independence was a legitimization or even sanctification of the unrestricted use of force in achieving a goal deemed to be justified. Once invoked against foreign colonialists, the same principle could also be turned with relative ease against fellow Algerians. The American journalist Adam Shatz wrote that much of the same methods employed by the FLN against the French such as "the militarization of politics, the use of Islam as a rallying cry, the exaltation of jihad" to create an essentially secular state in , were used by Islamic fundamentalists in their efforts to overthrow the FLN regime in the s.

Torture was a frequent process in use from the beginning of the colonization of Algeria , which started in Claude Bourdet had denounced these acts on December 6, , in the magazine L'Observateur , rhetorically asking, "Is there a Gestapo in Algeria? Huf, in his seminal work on the subject, argued that the use of torture was one of the major factors in developing French opposition to the war. The French national psyche would not tolerate any parallels between their experiences of occupation and their colonial mastery of Algeria.

In June , Bigeard declared that he was based in Sidi Ferruch , a torture center where Algerians were murdered. Bigeard qualified Louisette Ighilahriz 's revelations, published in the Le Monde newspaper on June 20, , as "lies. In France officially admitted that torture was systematic and routine.

Specializing in ambushes and night raids to avoid direct contact with superior French firepower, the internal forces targeted army patrols, military encampments, police posts, and colonial farms, mines, and factories, as well as transportation and communications facilities. Kidnapping was commonplace, as was the murder and mutilation of civilians. Throat slitting and decapitation were commonly used by the FLN as mechanisms of terror. Counter-insurgency tactics developed during the war were used elsewhere afterwards, including the Argentinian Dirty War in the s.

In a book, journalist Marie-Monique Robin alleges that French secret agents taught Argentine intelligence agents counter-insurgency tactics, including the systemic use of torture, block-warden system, and other techniques, all of which were employed during the Battle of Algiers. The Battle of Algiers film includes the documentation.

In France, the war was known as " la guerre sans nom " "the war without a name" while it was being fought as the government variously described the war as the "Algerian events", the "Algerian problem" and the "Algerian dispute"; the mission of the French Army was "ensuring security", "maintaining order" and "pacification", but was never described as fighting a war; while the FLN were referred to as "criminals", "bandits", "outlaws", "terrorists" and " fellagha " a derogatory Arabic word meaning "road-cutters", but which was popularly mistranslated as "throat-cutters"-a reference to the FLN"s favorite method of execution, namely making people wear the "Algerian smile" by cutting their throats, pulling their tongues out and leaving them to bleed to death.

• Luna de miel con el jefe (Jazmín) (Spanish Edition).
• Associated Data.
• Praying Your Way to Breakthrough: Back to Basics.
• Navigation menu?
• Pressed Leaves?
• Zur Wirkung des vertraglichen Zessionsverbotes (German Edition).
• Poems & Thoughts - For the Soul!.

As the war was officially a "police action", for decades no monuments were built to honor the about 25, French soldiers killed in the war while the Defense Ministry refused to classify veterans as veterans until the s. In , the British historian Alistair Horne published A Savage War of Peace , which is generally regarded as the leading book written on the subject in English, though written from a French perspective rather the Algerian.

In a column published in The Times Literacy Supplement reviewing the book A Savage War of Peace by Alistair Horne, the Iraqi-born British historian Elie Kedourie vigorously attacked Horne as an apologist for terrorism, accusing him of engaging the "cosy pieties" of bien-pensants as Kedorie condemned those Western intellectuals who excused terrorism when committed by Third World revolutionaries.

Before the war, Algeria was a favored setting for French films with the British French professor Leslie Hill having written: From time to time, the memory of the Algerian War surfaced in France. When will Massu be in Algeria! Origins and Development of a Nation. On 15 June , Le Monde published an interview with Louisette Ighilahriz, a former FLN member who described in graphic detail her torture at the hands of the French Army and made the sensational claim that the war heroes General Jacques Massu and General Marcel Bigeard had personally been present when she being tortured for information.

Richaud one last time to thank him personally Dr. Richaud it turned out had died in In , Une Vie Debout: Convinced that they had to act with resolution in order to protect themselves against their enemies, they deliberately chose an authoritarian path. The Algerian War remains a contentious event today.

According to historian Benjamin Stora , one of the leading historians on the Algerian war, memories concerning the war remain fragmented, with no common ground to speak of:. There is no such thing as a history of the Algerian War; there is just a multitude of histories and personal paths through it. Everyone involved considers that they lived through it in their own way, and any attempt to understand the Algerian War globally is immediately rejected by protagonists. Even though Stora has counted 3, publications in French on the Algerian war, there still is no work produced by French and Algerian authors cooperating with one another.

Even though, according to Stora, there can "no longer be talk about a 'war without a name', a number of problems remain, especially the absence of sites in France to commemorate" the war. Furthermore, conflicts have arisen on an exact commemoration date to end the war. Although many sources as well as the French state place it on March 19, , the Evian agreements , others point out that the massacres of harkis and the kidnapping of pieds-noirs took place afterwards. Stora further points out, "The phase of memorial reconciliation between the two sides of the sea is still a long way off. Alongside a heated debate in France, the February 23, , law had the effect of jeopardizing the treaty of friendship that President Jacques Chirac was supposed to sign with President Abdelaziz Bouteflika —a treaty no longer on the agenda.

Chirac finally had the law repealed through a complex institutional mechanism. Indeed, the Algerian War is not even the subject of a specific chapter in textbook for terminales [93] Henceforth, Benjamin Stora stated:. As Algerians do not appear in an "indigenous" condition, and their sub-citizens status, as the history of nationalist movement, is never evoked as their being one of great figures of the resistance, such as Messali Hadj and Ferhat Abbas.

They neither emerge nor are being given attention. No one is explaining to students what colonization has been. We have prevented students from understanding why the decolonization took place. It is impossible to understand the third-generation of Algerian immigrants to France without recalling this bicultural experience. After having denied its use for 40 years, the French state has finally recognized its history of torture; although, there was never an official proclamation about it.

General Paul Aussaresses was sentenced following his justification of the use of torture for "apology of war crimes. But academic research has proven both theses false. The suppression of these riots officially saw 1, other deaths, but N. Lemaire estimate the number to be between 6, and 8, He also argues that the least controversial of all the numbers put forward by various groups are those concerning the French soldiers, where government numbers are largely accepted as sound.

Most controversial are the numbers of civilians killed. On this subject, he turns to the work of Meynier, who, citing French army documents not the official number posits the range of 55,—60, deaths. Meynier further argues that the best number to capture the harkis deaths is 30, If we add to this, the number of European civilians, which government figures posit as 2, Meynier's work cited was: From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia.

Not to be confused with Algerian Civil War. Part of a series on the. French conquest of Algeria. This section needs additional citations for verification. Please help improve this article by adding citations to reliable sources. Unsourced material may be challenged and removed.

March Learn how and when to remove this template message. August Learn how and when to remove this template message. Battle of Algiers — Women in the Algerian War. Algiers putsch of and Evian agreements. History of Algeria since Torture during the Algerian War. Algeria portal France portal War portal Colonialism portal s portal s portal.

The Algerian War — Memory, Empire, and Postcolonialism: Legacies of French Colonialism. The death knell of the French empire was sounded by the bitterly fought Algerian war of independence, which ended in Exile Cultures, Misplaced Identities. The Algerian War came to an end in , and with it closed some years of French colonial presence in Algeria and North Africa. Judging War Crimes And Torture: The independence of Algeria in , after a long and bitter war, marked the end of the French Empire. Memory, Identity and Narrative.

University of Wales Press. The difficult relationship which France has with the period of history dominated by the Algerian war has been well documented. Genocide, Ethnonationalism, and the United Nations: Exploring the Causes of Mass Killing Since A Savage War of Peace: A Military History of Africa [3 volumes]. Po - Z, index. The State of the World's Refugees, Fifty Years of Humanitarian Action. Referring to Evans, Martin.

Les accords d'Evian Harkis Who Stayed in Algeria After ". Africa in the Colonial Period". In Bloxham, Donald; Moses, A. The Oxford Handbook of Genocide Studies. Phases of Terrorism in the Age of Globalization: From Christopher Columbus to Osama bin Laden. Within the first three decades, the French military massacred between half a million to one million from approximately three million Algerian people.

In Algeria, colonization and genocidal massacres proceeded in tandem. From to , its European settler population quadrupled to , Of the native Algerian population of approximately 3 million in , about , to 1 million perished in the first three decades of French conquest. The Making of Contemporary Algeria, Parolin, Citizenship in the Arab World: Biographical Dictionary of European Labor Leaders.

Meanwhile, Muslim villages were destroyed and whole populations forced to move to accommodate European farms and industry. As the pieds-noirs grew in number and status, the native Algerians, who had no nationality under French law, did not officially exist. Peterson, The French Experience in Algeria, —