Bernhard Mandeville - Vergleich zweier Interpreten (German Edition)

Even though the actual events occurred in the year , the drama is just perfect for the silver screen, which explains why no fewer than four movies have been made about it. All the elements Hollywood could wish for are there: But for all its prurient allure, the story of those gullible sailors and their fetching paramours is not nearly as compelling as the one told by the guy who was set adrift.

With no charts, no sextant, and only a five-day supply of food and water, Captain William Bligh navigated a wave-swamped, twenty-three-foot open lifeboat loaded to the gunwales with eighteen men, over 3, stormy miles of the Pacific, landing safely forty-seven days later in Timor.

It was nothing short of a miracle, and it remains to this day the greatest feat of navigation and survival at sea in the history of the British Royal Navy. Along the way, Bligh made copious entries in a daily log that was published upon his return to England. In reading it, I learned that while the folk hero of popular culture may be Fletcher Christian, who did nothing more than betray his shipmates and his country for a little whoopee in Whytootackee, his much maligned captain is a far more interesting character.

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He was a total badass who faced insurmountable odds and never flinched. And to our great good fortune, he was also a thoughtful, literate man who lived to tell his tale. Several parts of the narrative struck me as particularly moving. When they were forcing me out of the ship, I asked him if this treatment was a proper return for the many instances he had received of my friendship.

I am in hell. The mutineers were not completely heartless. As mentioned, they did give Bligh and his men food and water for five days—enough time for the mutineers to get away and for Bligh and his followers to find a nearby island on which to live out their lives as castaways. The conspirators never imagined that Bligh would make it all the way to England and dispatch a man-of-war with precise directions to find them and bring them to the gallows.

Immediately after he was set adrift, Bligh rowed and sailed his way to the island of Tofoa, to which the Bounty had been bound, in hopes of augmenting his meager provisions.

I knew they [the natives] had too much sense to be amused with a story that the ship was to join me, when she was not in sight from the hills. I was at first doubtful whether I should tell the real fact, or say that the ship had overset and sunk, and that only we were saved: I threatened [Chief] Eefow with a cutlass to induce him to make them desist, which they did, and everything became quiet again. I kept buying up the little breadfruit that was brought to us, and likewise some spears to arm my men with.

I knew very well this was the sign of an attack. They frequently importuned me to sit down, but I as constantly refused; for it occurred to Mr. Nelson and myself that they intended to seize hold of me, if I gave them such an opportunity. Keeping, therefore, constantly on our guard, we were suffered to eat our uncomfortable meal in some quietness. After these niceties, Tofoa natives did finally attack. A true Church of England man, Bligh also insisted that the men attend to their prayers daily, proving the old adage that there are no atheists in foxholes or lifeboats.

Bligh took the lesson of his narrow escape from the natives on Tofoa to heart. He would never again put ashore on an island that bore any sign of recent habitation until he reached a European settlement. After leaving Tofoa, all the men implored Bligh to set a course for the voyage home:. When I told them no hopes of relief for us remained, but what I might find at New Holland [Australia], until I came to Timor, a distance of full leagues, where was a Dutch settlement.

Therefore, after examining our stock of provisions, and recommending this as a sacred promise for ever to their memory, we bore away across a sea, where the navigation is but little known, in a small boat, twenty-three feet long from stern to stern, deep laden with eighteen men; without a chart, and nothing but my own recollection and general knowledge of the situation of places, assisted by a book of latitudes and longitudes, to guide us.

I was happy, however, to see every one better satisfied with our situation in this particular than myself. He resolved with the agreement of his crew , to ration the provisions and stretch a five-day supply for two months—enough time, he reckoned, to sail to some European outpost in Indonesia. To their daily ration of bread and water he added an occasional ounce of pork and other items he was able to acquire along the way, chiefly plantains, coconuts, clams, and oysters. The crew had little luck fishing, but from within the boat they managed to catch several birds that were promptly eaten—beak, bones, feathers and all.

Bligh parceled out these treasures by a special method designed to ensure fairness. Of all the provisions carried by the castaways, none was more carefully stewarded than the rum, followed by the wine. Das wird aus einem weiteren Brief Webers an Brentano vom Brentanos Antwort auf Webers Brief vom Erst wurde diese Rede in stark erweiterter Form von Brentano publiziert.

Mai schrieb Weber in dieser Sache noch einmal an Brentano. Dessen Studie von , die in einer zweiten Auflage herauskam, war ihm wohl ver- traut. Wie Heinz Steinert nachgewiesen hat, entwarf er dabei jene teilweise spekulativen Argu- mentationsketten, die am Ende nur das belegten, was er am Beginn postuliert hatte. Anmerkungen 1 Bis dahin war Heinrich Brauch der Herausgeber gewesen. Die Genesis des Kapitalismus, Band 2: Die Theorie der kapitalistischen Entwicklung, beide Leipzig Weber, Die protestantische Ethik, in: AfSSp 20, , 20, Anm.

Weber stand seit in direktem Briefkontakt mit Brentano. Nach Lenger, Sombart, und , Anm. Dieser Brief vom 4. Alle Unterstreichungen hier und folgend im Original. Auflage , Band 13, Der Brief vom Oktober wurde von Weber wahrscheinlich seiner Mutter, Helene Weber, diktiert.

Mommsen stellte aufgrund des letzten Satzes in diesem Brief in: Max Weber Studies 5. Gegen diese Interpretation sprechen mehrere Argumente. Zu Webers Vortrag in St. Wirtschaft, Staat und Sozialpolitik. Schriften und Reden —, hg. Unterstreichun- gen im Original. Insipiens an Sapiens, in: Alle Unterstreichungen im Original. Dieser Brief ist nur mit Aus dem Kontext ist jedoch ersichtlich, dass er vom Mai stammen muss und nicht vom Mai oder AfSSp 30 , Weber ver- sus Sombart, in: Die Entstehung des modernen Kapitalismus: Weber contra Sombart, in: Die Weber-These nach zwei Generationen, in: Siehe AfSSp 21 , 43, Anm.

Im Eranos-Kreis hatte Jellinek am 3. Bernard Cohen, Puritanism and the Rise of Science: The Birth of Occidental Rationality. Steinert, however, brings in a methodological dimension about how to interpret classics in the proper pursuit of intellec- tual history, in the search for a pragmatic balance between formative experi- ences, context and tradition. Niccolo Machiavelli and Max Weber are both manifestations of Modernity, in different epochs. There are amazingly many affinities between them.

They both need to be understood and interpreted in context, yet being significant in a long line in intellectual history, characterized by anti-metaphysics, calcu- lability and demise of natural law. This tradition has many opponents. Tradition and Long lines1 in intellectual history open for a pragmatic balance. There are early birds, such as Marsilius of Padua and Thomas Aquinas. This might be the main achievement of Steinert: This has inhibited progress in issues of interpreta- tion where context evidently matters. How these indicators relate to each other not lucid, and secularization is mostly seen as a main feature, the meaning of which is disputed.

Moreover, concepts of modern- ization and rationalization appear as overlapping. It is thus amazing that nobody really as yet wrote about the many affinities between Max Weber and Niccolo Machiavelli, as two prominent representatives of Western Modernization, from two formative periods, four centu- ries apart. Modern capitalist rationality had its origin or at least take-off in the West. Singapore offers one example of this. Weber and Machiavelli are both anti-natural law thinkers with the rational actor model as basic metaphor and their contributions could be subsumed under the common label secularization of social thought.

They can both be seen as proto-rational-choice thinkers. Contingency, timing, the successful combination of virtu and fortuna, is impor- tant to both. To catch the right moment is crucial in the art of politics. The contractarian individual utility approach of both thinkers are in contrast to sociological thinking which really has its take off with the Four stages theories in Scottish Enlightenment and with Samuel Pufendorf as an early bird.

There are other early birds, such as Marsilius of Padua and Thomas Aquinas.

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Otherwise most points Steinert makes are no doubt well founded, and hard to refute. They are, however, hardly innovative and he kicks in already wide open doors. Yet his book has relevance for the perennial issue of the nature and birth of Occidental Modernity and inherent problems of interpretation.

That social science is a battle-field for concept formation is a well-known fact, and Modernity is a cen- tral and vague and contested concept. Weber does not refer a whole lot to Machiavelli but it is a significant formative early influ- ences. He has a high omnipresence in Germany in the late 19th century.

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Wolfgang Momm- sen writes, referring to Mayer: The religious echoes in Mayer are absent in Mommsen, who appears more as a moralistic liberal with a natural law tendency. They also judge the relationship differently. The relationship between Weber and Machiavelli is also noticed by French scholars, like Raymond Aron and Eugene Fleischmann, in a similar vein. Although Weber is a fountainhead for competing sociolo- gies he is also an anti-sociologist within sociology, part of a much longer tradition, of secularization of social thought.

The many parallels are intriguing for several reasons, e.

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Context evidently matters, as Quentin Skinner and other scholars claim. But classics cannot be reduced to their contexts, and evidently other factors are at work, such as formative experiences and tradition. Calculability and rational actor-paradigm is a significant step towards the secu- larization of social thought. Machiavelli and Weber carry straws to the same stack. To avoid uncontrolled value-intrusion is crucial in instrumental means-end- rational policy science promoting postulated goals.

Machiavelli and Weber pioneer such endeavours. Values as such, somewhat paradoxically, serve the purpose of objectivity and intersubjectivity, through being made explicit. Moreover, rational calculation and capitalism go hand in hand. Rational book-keeping is only one note- worthy example of the rationality that emerges during the Renaissance. Weber shares the same notion in applied value philosophy that later on is develo- ped by Gunnar Myrdal and Arnold Brecht,20 that values are indispensable as points of departure for cognitive inquiry but that the explicit use of values as tools for selection from vast reality at the same time is a remedy against uncontrolled value intrusion value bias.

The procedure becomes part of the standard positions of mainstream social science, as well as history, as a way to cope with matters of selec- tion and intersubjectivity. The so called scientific value relativism is a virulent doc- trine, resisting many critiques. Weber had a part in laying down the foundations of modern instrumental policy science, means-end-analyses rationalizing value-hier- archies.

Philosophy is ahead of its applications. The inherent predicament of relativism and value-incommensurability22 that fol- lows from historicism is a hard blow to any belief in objective time-less norms and natural law thinking. The historicists themselves did not always see this and could adhere to objective values. This generated the crisis that Weber responded to, in his methodological essays after his recovery from his own nervous crisis. It is notable that several scholars at about the same time expressed related albeit not identical views on the important matter of objective norms.

Even if the peak of this today also post-Modern theme occurs in the early s, there is fertile soil in philosophy, already through vari- ous Scottish moralists and Hume in particular. Weber was somewhat familiar with Westermarck. While the latter holds that values are neither true nor false, or in a sharper variation always false, Weber rather says that we cannot say whether they are true or false, by scien- tific means. Both could, however, be subsumed under the same general doctrine of scientific value-relativism.

We need value-objectives but cannot find them. This makes ready soil for the Weber- Myrdal pragmatic solution. In recent years H. Bruun has returned to the Weber- Rickert nexus, drawing on new material, the so called Nervi fragments, as noted by Steinert. They cannot be intersubjectively operationalized in the same sense as statements concerning for instance size or tem- perature. The polemic front in common is against natural law thinking. In the case of Machiavelli four centuries earlier it is more appropriate to speak about a-natural law thinking.

In the case of Gunnar Myrdal the choice is institutionalized, since his demand that values serving as points of departure should be significant and relevant to the social context in which it functions is a restriction that in his case is operationalized in terms of ideologies of parties or goals of social movements, a top- down social engineering peaking in the period — Weber rather saw the pro- fessor as the one to generate or manifest the proper cultural values.

Scientific value relativism is also ecumenical in the sense that it does not really presuppose a definite answer to the old chestnut question whether social thought should be primarily a normative or cognitive undertaking, it rather regulates the proper relationship between the two realms, in order to promote cognitive know- ledge and adjust to scientific criteria, such as testability.

Mayer claims he was ignorant of. He has misinterpreted Socrates and Plato for whom values and science were inseparably bound together. Tradition The numerous parallels between Weber and Machiavelli see Appendix 1 illus- trate a methodological dilemma, as well as the lingering relevance of old and dead thinkers. There are so many striking parallels between Machiavelli and Weber.

They are significant, indicating that context has to be supplemented by tradition, for the full understanding and best interpretation. Machiavelli and Weber have survived and reach out to ever changing reader- ships in new generations. Nation-building is the main policy-concern of both. The Renaissance and the Reformation give birth to individualism and the ratio- nal actor model, while Scottish Enlightenment gives birth to sociology, a significant younger project than the one Machiavelli, Hobbes and Weber was engaged in, res- ponding to an arising interest in learning what goes on below the surface of indus- trialized capitalist society.

As late as in Wissenschaft als Beruf Weber characterizes himself as a political economist, already in the second sentence. He can at least be seen as a proto-rational choice thinker, just as Swedberg and Norkus conceive of him. Today rational-choice is the most elaborate version of the long tradi- tion to which both Machiavelli and Weber belong.

This is in a way a continuation of the old Methodenstreit, which is recurring. This might be both arguable and debateable but there is lots of supportive evidence. Hobbes and Bentham are working in the same direction as are Machiavelli and Weber, only to mention two more prominent cases. Hutchinson and Mandeville definitely are steps forward in the seculari- zing direction. There is no need for any natural law notions in his Newtonian system of political analysis.

God is moved from the context of disco- very to the context of justification. Natural law remains as merely an empty label for our basic instincts in short and brutish lives in the state of war, with its fear. Bentham is very explicit in his criticism of natural law and definitely marks a further step from jus to lex, in his characterization of natural law as nonsense on stilts and right and wrong as fictitious entities.

Rational cal- culation is an important thread in common to all scholars in this tradition. A pure nomothetic approach, in which reality exclu- sively is regarded as phenomena to be explained, is evidently more rare in the field of social science: His inaugural speech Freiburger Antrittsrede from the mids is illus- trative in this sense, with its vehement nationalist and bourgeois tone, yet never allowed to distort instrumentality in policy recommendations. Although the relative importance of nationalism vs.

It is coloured by the failures of in Frankfurt am Main and the legacy of the Bismarckian Obrigkeitsstaat. Firm norms are a remedy against frustration. The individual has to take on the responsibility of his own value-choices, thus creating meaning, which is necessary to avoid pure post- modernist disorientation Nietzsche and Kierkegaard. Rationalizing value-hierarchies should preferably be relevant for some significant actors, e.

The professors had a task in identifying with the pan-German national enter- prise and articulate the steering ideas of the new nation. Myrdal in brief repre- sents a more institutionalized mode of catching value points of departure, with a role for parties and organizations to make his values relevant and significant. It is not that clear to which extent Machiavelli reflected over the norm-sender problem.

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Notable is that his actual procedure does not violate the instrumentality of his policy science, i. Machiavelli does not speak about God, which is in sharp con- trast to almost all previous analyses. God is mentioned by Machiavelli. There are no reasons to believe that he was not a religious man, only to note that God has no place in his very secular analy- sis, where the aim is inner-worldly in a sense that would be rather alien to Medie- val analysts.

His line of reasoning has a secular and instrumental tone, which simply sounds new; he actually appears as centuries in advance of his own time. Yet his policy stu- dies are an adequate answer to the Florentine situation, with dangerous and deman- ding neighbours, both Italian and foreign, and constitutional instability, a leadership and a legitimacy problem. His diplomatic experiences, conversations with Cesare Borgia, and negotiations with neighbouring powers, the French king, etc, provided the inner-worldly aims, not quite to become fulfilled until , with the capture of Rome.

The classics and their historicity: The combination of time-less validity and time- bound tasks are in common to Weber and Machiavelli. They try to answer similar questions of their respective days in a way that has a methodological perennial rele- vance and still need fuel from the immediate societal surrounding, with its agenda of nation building and legitimation of power.

True, Machiavelli as a pioneer in modern social science calls for some symp- tomal reading. What we find are indicators of embryonic character. This man in a short time restored peace and unity with the grea- test success. Afterwards the duke considered that it was not advisable to confer such excessive authority, for he had no doubt but that he would become odious, so he set up a court of judgment in the country, under a most excellent president, wherein all cities had their advocates.

And because he knew that the past severity had caused some hatred against himself, so, to clear himself in the minds of the people, and gain them entirely to himself, he desired to show that, if any cruelty had been practised, it had not originated with him, but in the natural sternness of the minister. Under this pretence he took Ramiro and one morning caused him to be executed and left on the piazza at Cesena with the block and a bloody knife at his side. The barbarity of this spectacle caused the people to be at once satisfied and dismayed.

His rough ruler by no means is a Leviathan, instead being a produce of a democratic milieu, in the sense that the people in at least a mediated way is an instance of legitimacy. One might manipulate the people but tyranny is pointless and unstable. The central Machiavellian concepts of Virtu and Fortuna are parallel to indicators of charismatic leadership in Weber. Both Machiavelli and Weber reflects their respective Zeitgeist but with a preserved core of universal validity at least in the Occident, which however become ever more universal, with the diffusion of Western rationality.

Like Machiavelli Weber lived in an era in search for national identity. His value-system is time-typical, albeit still relevant today, in the post predicament. He had to turn to Il Principe as the beneficiary or agent of his theoretical efforts. Weber with his charismatic leader as a remedy against the petrification in the iron cage comes up in the end with a similar solution. The power vacuum after the fall of Bismarck had to be filled. Weber advocated a combination of strong leader- ship and parliamentary control, which was a variation of parliamentarian rule adjus- ted to the particular circumstances created by deutscher Sonderweg and the failure of liberalism in The Weberian notion of plebiscitary leadership democracy has caused much confusion.

To Weber, however, contemporaries such as Lloyd George and Gladstone were the paradigma- tic cases. Now, these influences do not settle the question of similarities and differences between Weber and his British mentors. Mommsen liberalism than the British are used to. Machiavelli and Weber share a lack of principle allegiances to one particular con- stitution; they are both adjustable to changing realities.

They are sometimes republi- cans and sometimes monarchists. They do take matters of responsibility and calcu- lability seriously. In Wilhelmine Germany the Kanzler was responsible to the Kai- ser and not the parliament and Bismarck really treated the Reichstag as an austere countryside school teacher treated a bunch of not too receptive children. Bismarck was himself hit by this old fashioned form of authoritarian rule when the new Kai- ser soon fired him, with a disastrous power vacuum to follow, as well as irrespon- sible hazardous rule.

Weber wanted parliamentarian rule introduced in Germany but in a fashion that had fertile soil given the background of the experiences of the German bourgeoisie. One might say that to both Machiavelli and Weber democracy is Brauch rather than Sitte. They are both also historicists in important respects, from a methodological point of view. Machiavelli is much affected by Antiquity and in fact Florence in his days displays a remark- able revival of Greek thought, with a Neo-Platonic academy and a political life, which is to quite some extent modelled after the city-states in Greece.

That is part of the Renaissance. The notion of citizen creed in common to Weber and Machiavelli smacks of old Roman virtues. In the case of Machiavelli he launches almost premature a mode of analyses that is universal and well in line with marginalist economics. In the case of Machiavelli one might add that historicism44 in his days rather provided arguments for a secularized approach to social analyses.

Yet, the core of historicism as such seemingly makes it not well attuned to secular science; in the case this implies timeless universal crite- ria and methodological rules. Historicism as a problematic notion: There are at least two inconsistencies in his- toricism exposing it for criticism. We find such attitudes in Ranke and Schmoller, as well as in neo-Kantians like Rickert later on.

The inherent relativism in historicism really is a hard blow to value objectivism in general and natural law thinking in particular. Some historicists still continued to look for eternal cultural values. One way to put it is that the historicists did not quite see the full consequen- ces of their own approach.

The struc- ture of their analyses is imprinted by calculability, allowing for testability, and the rational economic actor is the basic metaphor. But this is an altogether different story. If the intrusion of the rational actor model into ever more areas of analyses of the social is a gain or not is not evaluated in this essay, which attempts a diagnosis without a prescription.

The rational actor paradigm is a strong paradigm and more amorphous disciplines are very vulnerable; yet it is a weak paradigm too, since it might generate a lot of hypotheses and predictions, but hardly explain anything. It is an attractive model but weak as a theory. Weber is not a paradigmatic classic in the Kuhnian sense but rather a mediator with an extremely strategic position in the history of social thought. How this could happen so rapidly is a challenge for historians to explain. However, this is a rather obvious and trivial point. Weber might agree, since his main intellectual life project was to gather further supportive evidence for his thesis, in his comparative sociology of religion.

Trans- Atlantic reciprocity is a significant theme, in particular in the case of Weber, the reception of whom was retarded in Germany and meanwhile cultivated in the USA, promoted by migrants such as Sorokin and others. This calls for a translation into English. Methodologically it is easy to note that contextualization is a necessity for full and congenial interpreta- tion of an old text. To go into details about German federalism and the constitutional capabilities of the Kaiser in Prussia vs.

Still today the religious factor is far more important in German social and political life than it is conceivable for a, for instance, secularized Swede to understand. Des- pite being primarily a scholar in jurisprudence and early Agrarian history Max was more knowledgeable in theological issues than most of his contemporaries. It seems that the same policy concerns inspire Weber and as already in his Freiburger Antrittsrede , with its anti-Catholic tendency.

Since Weber argued for a thesis he could not be expected to be a master proto- type for path dependency of Modernization, and is of course today also rather a sparring partner to the multi-modernity paradigm, as we find it in works by Eisen- stadt, Arnason, Wittrock and others.

Airy, NC, told him, about sects and civic associational life and entrepreneurialism. Modernity is a gradual pro- cess. Nevertheless Steinert reduces trans-Atlan- tic misunderstandings and contributes to a more informed debate in matters of interpretation. Anmerkungen 1 See Appendix 2. Crystallizations, Divergences, Renaissances, Leyden and Boston Some Notes on a Methodological Debate, in: Statsvetenska- plig Tidskrift , No 2, An eloquent text often used in graduate student teaching is Jeffrey C. Alexander, The Centrality of the Classics, in: Anthony Giddens and Jonathan Turner, Eds.

Thomas Aquinas is the peak of natural law, yet with a space for the autonomous study of society. New York , Philosophie und Soziologie, Nr. He spent the WW2 years in England and is inspired by the natural law thinking both Weber and Machiavelli oppose. Mayer has also written a standard exposition of the history of political ideas which has been widely in use in the Spanish speaking world.

Weber , 19, n. H H Bruun, Weber on Rickert: From Value Relation to Ideal Type, in: Essays in the History of Sociology, ed. The Foundations of Twentieth-Century Political Thought Princeton is a magiste- rial work; the canons of scientific value-relativism being its main message. His natural law predilections are exposed in several instances.

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On page 90 he writes that: And on pages 92 f. His work on the problems of historicism was published in the early s but he and Max Weber had for long discussed the problems generated by post- Enlightenment polytheism on an every-day basis. Danish Yearbook of Philosophy 26 , See also Sven Eliaeson et al.

A Life, New York Isaiah Berlins Botschaft, in: See also Eliaeson, Value-orientation and the secularization of post-enlightenment social science, in: Ed by Peter Lassman and Ronald Speirs. Cambridge, UK , orig. Karl Heinrich Kaufhold et al. Jerzy J Wiatr, ed. The core of historicism is the denial of the possibility of timeless norms and laws, a stress on the uniqueness of social phenomena.

Interpretation and Cri- tique. The very term historicism is young, Herder being the mid-wife of the concept. In order to further support his thesis he has to go through all other religions with a rational structure where modern capitalism did not occur, which does not exhaust the topic either, since it could have occurred in China and the original cumulation of capital in fact partly occurred in Central Asian monasteries, if Randall Collins is to be believed.

Criticizing Weber for flaws in his empiri- cal supportive evidence is really shooting at a sitting bird; in addition it is easy to list anomalies call- ing for ad hoc-reasoning. Five roads to Modernity. Cambridge, UK, , is more interesting for European Modernity and its path dependency.

Kritiken und Antikritiken, hg. Tocqueville, Weber and Adorno in the United States, transl. There are numerous affinities a weak concept between Max Weber and Machia- velli. They are examples of Realpolitik, with little of wishful thinking obscuring their mapping of social and political reality. The decisive role of violence in politics is recognized by both, power and force being intertwined concepts. They are both nationalists — or rather patriots, to avoid an anachronism — in their explicit engagement for establishing a stable state power.

This is strangely in common not only to Parsons but also to anti-democratic elitists such as Plato and Leo Strauss. This partly follows from their historicism which is promoting relativism, just as Troeltsch was con- cerned about. Ultimate values have no cognitive truth content. Charisma is an important element to both, although Machiavelli does not use the very word, rather speaks about reputation. Translation strategies and fields of translations: Es stellen sich die Fragen: Wird Kunst als Kunst betrieben, bildet sie ein autonomes Feld. Wright Mills From Max Weber: Er ging dabei sogar so weit, Gerth und Mills eines Plagiats zu bezichtigen.

Die Eini- gung ist somit vorrangig auf das soziale Kapital Stanley Unwins bzw. Er hatte noch keine eigenen Arbeiten publiziert und eine befristete Anstellung in Harvard. This, I fear, must be altered. German writers use italics for emphasis where they are unnecessary, and, indeed, would appear quite out of place in English. Dies hat den Vorteil, fremdartige Elemente wie z.

Kalberg publiziert seit vielen Jahren zu unterschiedlichen Weber-Thematiken. Wells wird von Pen- guin in der Reihe Penguin twentieth-century classics aufgelegt. Es wird auch Webers positive Einstel- lung zum amerikanischen Kapitalismus aufgezeigt. We have done this both in order to convey to the reader the flavor of the original and to ensure that the flow of the argument is reproduced as faithfully as possible. Es besteht keine sozialwissenschaftliche Spezialisierung. Diese semantischen Strategien manipulieren die Bedeutung von Texten und ihren Teilen.

Antonymy bezeichnet die Verwendung eines Antonyms in Verbindung mit einer Negation. Die dabei zum Tragen kommenden Normen sind situativ unterschiedlich. Von Chestermans pragma- tischen Strategien stehen visibility change und information change im Vordergrund. Ein Beispiel soll dies illustrieren: That is a circumstance to which the above expla- nation does not apply, but which, on the contrary is one reason why so few Catholics are engaged in capitalistic enterprise. Damit kann die Anwendung von unit shifts auf Absatzebene deutlich nachvollzogen werden. Die Strategie des unit shift steht in Verbindung mit den Normen und Konventionen des englischsprachigen wissenschaftlichen Zielfeldes.

Diese Art es unit shift vereinfacht zwar den Text, birgt jedoch die Gefahr, dass Verbindungen zwischen Webers Ideen verloren gehen. Die dritte semantische Strategie ist emphasis change. Um dies aufzuzeigen bedarf es keiner neuen Beispiele, sondern es kann auf die gestrichelten Unterstreichungen in den bisher gebrachten Beispielen verwiesen werden.

The term refers to the late form taken by feudalism in Europe in its transition to absolute monarchy. Von Chestermans pragmatischen Strategien kommen cultural filtering, information change und visibi- lity change zur Anwendung. Folgend ein Beispiel auf Satzebene: In der englischen Fassung sind es 15, 40 und Die Anwendung des unit shift ist eng mit den Erwartungen des wissenschaftlichen Ziel- Feldes verbunden: Es wird hier also, auf prag- matischer Ebene, kein emphasis change vorgenommen.

Das Anwenden von literal translation unter Beachtung der Betonungen aber auch der Lesbarkeit bzw. Wie Parsons auf den umstrit- tenen Ausdruck kam, konnte dieser im Nachhinein selbst nicht mehr genau nach- vollziehen. Eine weitere Form von loan, calque, den Chesterman bei Pym findet, ist double presentation. Es werden zwei Formulierungen verwendet: Die zweite semantische Strategie ist emphasis change.

Dieser Typus des cultural filters wird von Baehr und Wells jedoch nicht konsistent angewandt. Insgesamt werden im ersten Aufsatz zehn Personen vor- gestellt. Die Unterteilung der Abschnitte wird im Deutschen lediglich durch eine einfache Nummerierung 1. Auf syntaktischer Ebene wird wieder unit shift benutzt. Die wich- tigsten pragmatischen Strategien sind visibility change und der cultural filter. Ein besonders augenscheinliches Beispiel ist das Folgende: Nicht nur Benjamin Franklins eigener Charakter […].

They indicate that people who own capital, employ- ers, more highly educated skilled workers, and more highly trained techni- cal or business personnel in modern companies tend to be, with striking fre- quency, overwhelmingly Protestant. The variation in this regard between Catholics and Protestants has often been discussed, in a lively fashion, in Catholic newspapers and journals in German, as well as at congresses of the Catholic Church.

Visibility change findet zum einen durch die syntaktische Strategie der bereits bespro- chenen double presentation statt. Visibility change ist auch durch das Anwen- den der Strategie des cultural filter impliziert: Zum Beispiel wird durch diesen cultural historical filter: Es ist beim Lesen des Textes nicht ersichtlich, ob eine Endnote von Weber oder von Kalberg verfasst wurde.

In letzteren wird eher die Strategie des explicitness change angewandt als jene des cultural filter, da im Quelltext nicht explizit genannte Anspielungen z. Alan Sica, Max Weber. A Comprehensive Bibliography, New Brunswick Baehr und Gordon C. Actes de la recherche en sciences sociales , 1, Pierre Bourdieu, Le champ scientifique, in: Essays in Sociology, New York Essays von Max Weber.

Shils und Henry A. Gorski, Book Reviews, in: An Essay in Intel- lectual History, in: Mit einer neuen Einlei- tung von Bryan S. Das kulturelle Kapital kann objekti- viert, institutionalisiert oder inkorporiert sein. Auflage von , die ein photome- chanischer Nachdruck der erschienenen Erstauflage ist. A Selection of Texts. Marianne Weber and the Intellectual Heritage of her Husband, in: History of European Ideas 35 , Weber, Ethic , 55, mit weiteren Nachweisen.

Andrew Chesterman, Memes of Translation. Weber, Ethik , Pym in Chesterman, Memes, Weber, Ethic , This paper documents the relationship between two sociologists who turned from colleagues to friends: Heinz Steinert und ich waren uns einig, dass wir unwichtige Figuren in einem abgekarteten Spiel geworden waren. Steinert berichtete von seiner Absicht, ab Herbst in New York zu arbeiten.

Ich bewunderte ihn angesichts der Tatsache, dass er das vollkommen ohne institu- tionelle Hilfe machte: Es bot sich an, dass wir uns zu einem Treffen in der von uns beiden geliebten Stadt verabredeten. Er hatte Benjamin Franklin im Original zu lesen begonnen! Advice to a young tradesman , Works ed.

In der Weber-Literatur hatte das bis dahin nur einer getan: Nach seiner aktiven Kriegsteil- nahme im Ersten Weltkrieg als Freiwilliger hatte der am August in Freiburg i. Der Lehrmeis- ter der Amerikanischen Revolution publiziert. Max Weber hatte die triefende Ironie bei Franklin nicht erkannt. Uns umarmend verabschiedeten wir uns auf dem Broadway, ich ging zu mei- nen Freunden, er musste in sein Domizil in Harlem.

Er schien sein Thema gefunden zu haben, ich konnte ihn nur ermutigen weiterzumachen. Er hatte begonnen, die ganze PE danach durchzumustern, wie Weber dabei vorgegangen ist und was seine Quellen bei diesem Vorgehen waren. Leicht oder gar angenehm zu lesen ist das nicht. Und so weiter und so fort: Steinert hatte einen Opponenten gefunden, bei dem ihm seine eigene Ironie abhanden gekommen zu sein scheint.

Wirtschaft und Wirtschaftswissenschaft, , darin: Epochen der Dogmen- und Methodengeschichte. Er nahm nichts im Leben leicht. Schumpeter dagegen nahm nichts im Leben schwer. Das Buch hat leider noch zu viele Spuren davon behalten, aber es ist doch ein wenig gemildert worden, im Vergleich zu Vorfassungen.

Sigmund Freud in der Wiener Berggasse 19 legt. Und darum musste Weber, dieses Buch und dessen hagiographische Interpreten so heftig kritisiert werden, wie es nur eben gerade ging. Woody Allen und Max Weber: Jahrhundert entwickelt, im Am Ende der Kritik scheint die empirische Haltlosigkeit des ganzen Arguments herausgearbeitet.

Es ist sicher keine historische Untersuchung zur Entstehung von Kapitalismus, auch nicht zur Reformation und ihren Vari- anten. Die einzige plausible Antwort ist: Wir mochten uns halt, so einfach war das. Zu Beginn des Peter Ghosh lehrt seit als Tutor am renom- mierten Oxforder St. In any historical perspective it is neither elementary nor known. Webers Wissenschaft habe eher im Dienst eines politischen Wirkungswillens gestanden. Nach dem tragischen Tod Wolfgang J. Schriften und Reden — Her- ausgegeben und eingeleitet von Dirk Kaesler, 3.

Die Geschichte seiner Geltung, Konstanz , Reinhard Blomert, Intellektuelle im Aufbruch. III, Halle , , wiederabgedruckt in: Herausgegeben und mit einem Nachwort versehen von Peter J. Die Protestantische Ethik und der Geist des Kapitalismus. Frankfurt am Main , Erstauflage Frankfurt am Main Wien In Memoriam Heinz Steinert, in: Origins, Evidence, Contexts, New York Essays on the Centenary of the Weber Thesis, Boulder Esteem in the sciences made visible: How bibliometry receives new impulse from social network analysis.

The article intends to show how a way of combining methods of social network analysis with methods of classical bib- liometry meaningfully may be applied within historical studies. The concept of network serves as an abstract model in this context. The history of eugenics is uses as an example for data collection, data pro- cessing, data visualization and data interpretation.

The proposed approach shows not only differentiated picture of the structure of the reception of these works but also the shift of interest from a variety of fields of medical research to the history of sciences. Dabei deuten Zitationen innerhalb einer wis- senschaftlichen Gemeinschaft auf intellektuelle und soziale Beziehungen hin.

Anerkennung in den Wissenschaften Die soziale Sichtweise auf die Etablierung und Durchsetzung wissenschaftlicher Theorien ist in der Wissenschaftsgeschichte und -theorie nicht erst seit dem erschienenen bahnbrechenden Werk von Thomas S. Dabei scheinen die Formen der Anerkennung auf theoretischer Ebene auf den ersten Blick klar in Akzeptanz und Ablehnung eines Ansatzes trennbar zu sein.

Ent- weder eine Theorie wird geglaubt oder nicht. Das Konzept der Anerkennung in der Wissenschaft umfasst also mindestens zwei semantische Felder. Damit findet sie seit vielen Jahren auch Anwendung in der Wissenschaftspolitik. Diese enthalten jedoch meistens auch Publikationen, die nicht in das Profil einer fachwissenschaftlichen Arbeit einzuordnen sind, wie etwa Nachrufe und Rezensionen. Besonders Informationswissenschaftler sind dieser Frage nachgegangen, indem sie Zitationsanalysen mit Techniken der sozia- len Netzwerkanalyse verbanden.

Das Sys- tem aus Knoten und Kanten ist ein Graph. Aus der Karte eines Zitationsnetzwerkes kann eine Wissenstopographie herausgelesen werden: Der Algorithmus benutzt die Dreiecksungleichung, um nur die wichtigsten Verbindungen zwischen Knoten zu erhalten.

Der Informationswissenschaftler Chaomei Chen hat drei Arten von Knoten als besonders bedeutsam in der Struktur sozialer Netz- werke identifiziert: Knoten nach Chen38 disziplinen transportieren. Die diachrone Entwicklung kann durch eine Farbkodie- rung und durch das Umordnen des Netzwerkes in eine Zeitleiste dargestellt werden. Denkkollektive der Eugenik nach Im Folgenden wird anhand eines Fallbeispiels aus der Wissenschaftsgeschichte dargestellt, wie die Technik der Zitationsnetzwerkanalyse genutzt werden kann.

Human Heredity, , , , , , das wichtigste deutsche Lehr- buch zur Rassenhygiene42, sowie Gunnar Dahlbergs Arv och Ras 2nd ed. Stock- holm , engl. Race, Reason and Rubbish, London , dt. Vererbung und Rasse, Hamburg Humangenetik, Anthropologie, Medizin und Biometrie. Der Durchmesser entspricht jeweils der Anzahl der Zitationen. Diese Verschiebung wird noch deutlicher, wenn die Ko-Zitationen entlang einer Zeitachse angeordnet werden Abb. Auch historisie- rende Zitationen finden sich hier deutlich weniger als bei Davenport und dem Baur- Fischer-Lenz.

Durch die verzeichneten Autoren lassen sich die Cluster aus bestimmten Zeit- abschnitten als Sub-Kollektive der Humangenetik, psychiatrischen Genetik, Anth- ropologie und Wissenschaftsgeschichte identifizieren. Mittlerweile werden auch seine Positionen und Rolle im Nationalsozialismus kritischer hinterfragt.

Mit der Medikalisierung der Humangenetik ging auch eine Konzentration auf dieje- nigen erblichen Krankheiten einher, die eindeutig monogenetische Ursachen haben. Dahlberg vertrat vornehmlich libe- ral-eugenische Positionen und sein Name ist vor allem mit der biometrischen Tradi- tion der Eugenik verbunden. So hat sich eine von Abbildung 8: Gerade dieser Umstand verdeutlicht die Notwendigkeit, die auf quantitativen Auswertungen beruhenden Netzwerkkarten durch qualitative Analysen der Inhalte zu erweitern.

In dem von uns gegebenen Pra- xisbeispiel konnte etwa durch die Analyse von Zitationsnetzwerken gezeigt wer- den, wie das Denkkollektiv der Eugenik nach zerfiel. Die Rolle einzelner Protagonisten in den Netzwerken kann dabei neu gedacht und beschrieben werden. Untersuchungen zur Wirklichkeit der Wissenschaft, Frankfurt am Main , ff. Heiner Fangerau, Der Austausch von Wissen und die rekonstruktive Visualisierung formeller und informeller Denkkollektive, in: Heiner Fangerau und Thorsten Halling, Hg.

Allge- meine Theorie oder Universalmetapher in den Wissenschaften? Kuhn, Die Struktur wissenschaftlicher Revolutionen, 2. Festschrift zu Hans Vaihingers Geburtstag, Aalen Neudruck der Ausgabe , Merton, The Matthew Effect in Science. The reward and communication systems of science are considered, in: Science , ; ders. Cumu- lative advantage and the symbolism of intellectual property, in: ISIS 79 , Measures of Scholarly Esteem, in: Infor- mation Processing and Management 47 , Hertzel, Bibliometrics History, in: Encyclopedia of Library and Informa- tion Science, 2nd ed.

An information services perspective, San Diego u. Eales, The History of Comparative Anatomy, in: Science Progress 11 , Wyndham Hulme, Statistical bibliography in relation to the growth of modern civilization: