Mosaic (Papers in Honor of... Book 1)

He practiced their art and was entitled to their privileges. Sokolow made the impression of a statesman, albeit one without a state, and this went beyond his prodigious mastery of European languages. And so Sokolow went forth—first to engage with Picot in London, then back and forth to Paris, with an unexpected detour to Rome, all in close coordination with Sykes. It was a daunting mission. On the face of it, both propositions should have seemed preposterous to the French. Yet Sokolow managed not only to disarm suspicion of the Zionist program; he even succeeded in extracting statements of support.

Most books on the Balfour Declaration do devote a chapter to the story.

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After two preparatory meetings with Picot in London, Sokolow headed for Paris. In two separate rounds of talks punctuated by a trip to Rome , he thrice met Jules Cambon, secretary-general of the foreign ministry and one of the great French diplomats of the day, and the second time around had an audience with Prime Minister Alexandre Ribot.

To Picot in London, Sokolow had expressed an open preference for British protection, and Picot pushed back. So in Paris he instead emphasized the feasibility of the Zionist project and how it animated Jewish opinion in Russia and America. Two leading historians of French policy, Christopher Andrew and A. And he received it. The Cambon letter, almost as forgotten as Sokolow, was addressed to him and is worth quoting in full:.

You were good enough to present the project to which you are devoting your efforts, which has for its object the development of Jewish colonization in Palestine. The French government, which entered this present war to defend a people wrongly attacked, and which continues the struggle to assure the victory of right over might, can but feel sympathy for your cause, the triumph of which is bound up with that of the Allies. The letter bound Zionism to the cause of all the Allies, and made no reference at all to the rights of non-Jews. France, however, had neither any assurance of Zionist support nor any prospect of obtaining one.

It was not only the Cambon letter that Sokolow secured during his continental sojourn. The visit to Rome had been urged upon Sokolow by the French and facilitated by Sykes. They had hoped that he might win over the government of yet another ally, Italy. But the Catholic Church was no smaller prize: The Italian government also gave Sokolow an assurance of its goodwill and sympathy. The history of these efforts has been researched and analyzed in great depth. Here, too, Sokolow played a major role, drafting numerous documents, including the proposed formula for the declaration submitted by the Zionists to Balfour.

But a crucial portion of the story unfolded not in London but in Washington. For just as Britain would never have moved on Palestine without the prior consent of its European allies, so it would not have acted without the agreement of President Woodrow Wilson. In April , the United States declared war on Germany although not on the Ottomans , making itself a major player in the anticipated post-war settlement. One more ally had to be persuaded before Britain could move. Here, too, Sokolow had an effect, if only because he had recruited Louis D.

Brandeis to the cause.

This occurred during a whistle-stop visit by Sokolow to America right before the war, in March He was the Columbus, so to speak, who discovered Louis D. The American policy establishment was entirely hostile to Zionism: On the first ask, in September , Wilson had withheld his approval. Only the second time around in mid-October, when Wilson received the proposed text from London, did he change his mind. I do, and would be obliged if you would let them know it.

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If the French, the Americans, or perhaps even the Italians had thrown cold water on the Zionist project, that would have broken the momentum in London, leaving the Zionists without a British declaration. And so the triumvirate of Sokolow, Weizmann, and Brandeis left nothing to chance. Thanks to their efforts, when the crucial moment came in the British war cabinet, Balfour could claim the assent of the Allies: Balfour then read a very sympathetic declaration by the French Government which had been conveyed to the Zionists, and he stated that he knew that President Wilson was extremely favorable to the Movement.

The Cambon letter proved indispensable. Despite appearances, then, the Balfour Declaration was more than the chess move of a single power. Behind it stood the Allies, each of whom gave it some push forward. It is not for us to predicate that England has spoken and acted in concert with her Allies, but we are justified in believing that England, ever working in closest cooperation with her Allies in the war, will in the day of peace find herself not only supported by France and Italy, but above all by the American government and people.

The British issued the Balfour Declaration on November 2, The Balfour Declaration thus opened another chapter, in which the Zionists worked to persuade each Allied government to endorse it openly. Here, too, Sokolow played the lead on the continent, and it was no small task. The French had cooled; America was now well in the war, and Russia after the Bolshevik Revolution of November was out, so Jewish opinion in both countries no longer mattered much assuming it ever had.

And there had been a change of government in France since the Cambon letter.

Learning Objectives

In January and February , Sokolow returned to Paris, this time with the aim of securing a public French declaration in support of the Balfour Declaration. But Sokolow asked for a formal statement: American Jews would appreciate it, Sokolow assured Pichon, and this would help France at the peace conference. So Pichon delivered an endorsement, and it was published on February 10, So he pleaded with Pichon to use that phrase; on February 14, Pichon sent Sokolow another letter that did just that.

The Zionists collected other endorsements, some outright, some with emendations. The most important came from Italy and Japan—the two states that, along with Britain and France, would participate in the San Remo conference and become permanent members of the Council of the League of Nations. The Zionists brought of all these endorsements to the peace conference in Paris in February In the era before the United Nations and the League of Nations, there existed no higher international forum than this. In his preface, Sokolow spoke of the Balfour Declaration as though it had been made by all of the Allies:.

In the midst of this terrible war, you, as representatives of the Great Powers of Western Europe and America, have issued a declaration which contained the promise to help us, with your goodwill and support, to establish this national center, for whose realization generations have lived and suffered. A monumental effort in many capitals had permitted him to utter that sentence without fear of contradiction. The San Remo conference in April was an extension of the peace conference.

One of its tasks was to parcel out former Ottoman territories into mandates, which the powers would administer as trusts on behalf of the League of Nations. There the powers agreed that Britain would receive the League of Nations mandate for Palestine. But what would it be mandated to do? The Balfour Declaration, if introduced into the mandate, would become part of international law. Pichon had accepted the whole declaration in its entirety.

Berthelot retreated, and the Balfour Declaration entered whole into the preamble of the League of Nations mandate—at which point it acquired full legal standing in international law. The Balfour Declaration has often been weighed against an earlier set of promises: In the letters, the British promised Hussein that they would support Arab independence within certain borders—at the very least in Syria and Mesopotamia, and possibly in Palestine.

How was it that the Balfour Declaration became international law, while the Hussein-McMahon correspondence ended up a dead letter? Once Hussein had his secret pledges from the British, he made little effort to extract comparable commitments from other Allies. But Hussein and Faisal never did, and Faisal came to the peace conference in without any French chits. At the peace conference in Paris, Lloyd George invoked the British commitments to Hussein as though they were binding on France. France had never seen it until a few weeks before [this conference]. Faisal had entered a collision course with France, which in occupied Syria by arms and threw him out of Damascus.

Given French determination to rule Syria, a clash would have been difficult to avoid, but the absence of an Arab Sokolow in Paris made it inevitable. The Balfour Declaration was something entirely different: This was only partly obscured by the vehicle of the declaration: But the letter was no more than a convenience, and Sokolow made light of it at a dinner on November 15, at which Lord Rothschild read the Balfour Declaration. The Balfour Declaration thus anticipated what later came to be called public diplomacy. The Zionist movement had no use for secret pledges of the sort Britain gave to Hussein.

Sokolow saw hasbarah as the natural form of Zionist advocacy in the chancelleries of Europe, in editorial boardrooms, and in public speeches. The Zionist leaders are endeavoring to make clear to the powers the aspirations of the Jewish people. While Sokolow may have seemed like a diplomat, even to professional diplomats, he thought like a publicist, eager to get the story out.

Paper Mosaic Lesson Plan for Elementary School

He took every assurance he received and made it public. The one Jew asks the other: But the Zionists publicized every other assurance. This had the dual purpose of spurring competition among the Allies and raising the morale of rank-and-file Zionists. But above all, an open assurance, communicated to a vast public, could only be retracted at a cost. Indeed, had the Balfour Declaration been issued as a secret letter to Zionist leaders without having been cleared by the Allies that is, like the British promises to Hussein , it would have never entered the preamble of the mandate, and Britain probably would have disavowed it in the s.

In , in light of growing Arab opposition, a new British government did order a review of Palestine policy. Long words can be shortened, especially of you are not sure of the spelling or tense e. To find "War" and not "Warriors", use War! The exclamation mark ensures that no variations of the word are included.

Searching by Keyword usually the most effective looks at title, author, series, subject and ISBN information for matches. Searching by Author, Title, and Publisher only looks at the respective type of information. To Feature this list on your site for your customers to use you need to first Edit the list's Category name from "Uncategorized" to something more appropriate e. When done, click the Featured icon again. When you Share a list, all stores using Bookmanager's catalogues will have the list added to the their Inbox.

First, be sure that your list is accurate and complete. Unsharing this list will remove it from the Inbox of others you have shared it with. Want to learn more? Select a subject to preview related courses: Direct Instruction - The History of Mosaics Start the lesson by showing students images of mosaics and asking them to share what they notice with a partner.

Discuss as a whole group, pointing out the colors, shapes, and characteristics of mosaics.

What do you notice about the materials the artists used? When and where have you seen this art before? Tell students this is called mosaics and ask them to brainstorm other materials that may be used to create mosaic art. Share and discuss together. Teach students how to make paper mosaics by asking them to sketch a simple object, such as an apple or pencil. Next have students identify different color sections on their sketch.

Paper Mosaic Lesson Plan for Elementary School | www.newyorkethnicfood.com

What color is the apple at the top? Is it the same in the middle? Tell students to label the colors with a pencil. Show students several images of mosaics to help guide their use of shape and color. For example, layering complimentary colors can be used for shadow, and cutting triangles and squares can be sued to create texture.

Instruct students to create a plan first by laying one color paper on before gluing, then moving on to the next color. As students work, walk around to support and guide. Activity One - Seasonal Mosaics For this activity, start early in the school year. Take students outside and have them choose a scene in nature, such as a tree full of leaves or a garden. Be sure to have students include color notations as described in the direct instruction section. Now return to the classroom and have students choose their colors and begin making mosaics for their piece. Return to this spot again in the fall, winter, and spring to have students sketch the same image, then make a paper mosaic.

Hang together as a seasonal paper mosaic. Activity Two - Recycled Mosaics For this paper mosaic, students will use newspaper and magazines to create a recycled paper mosaic image. Start by giving students magazines and newspaper and having them cut out small shapes. Sort and pile shapes according to colors, such as a blue pile and a pink pile.

When enough paper mosaic pieces have been cut, have students choose an image to sketch, such as a flamingo. Allow students to look at other images or mosaics for ideas and guidance. Once sketched, have students fill in with mosaic pieces. Activity Three - Cross-Curricular Mosaics Math Use paper mosaics to teach about shapes, having students use a specified number and type of shape to fill a picture.

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Teach volume by filling a square with paper mosaics and having students fill in, then count. Count the mosaics on an existing piece to apply concepts of ratio and fractions.