DISIDENCIAS SOBRE LA DEIDAD, Y SU SOLUCIÓN (Spanish Edition)

En Literatura uruguaya siglo XX. Lafforgue, Jorge y Rivera Jorge b. Ensayos sobre narrati- va policial. Estudios sobre el policial argentino. Detective iction from Latin Latin America. El cine uruguayo ha tenido a lo largo del siglo XX muchos nacimientos y de- masiadas muertes prematuras. Es una narrativa audiovisual urbana con vueltas de tuerca en su estructura que pueden advertirse como propias de un nuevo lenguaje audiovi- sual del siglo XXI. Los objetos producen imaginarios, generan un reconocimiento identitario. La generosidad de julio j.

Es hombre camino, como nosotros. El espacio dedicado a la escritura femenina se ve complementado por numerosas portadas e ilustraciones que reproducen la obra temprana y madu- ra de Norah borges. Para matei Calinescu, baudelaire plasma en su ensayo El pintor de la vida mo- derna un rasgo esencial de la modernidad: Antonio Espina, en , hablaba de adaptar la retina a las modiicaciones del mundo. Manifesto dei pittori fu- turisti y La pittura futurista Este sincretismo que adoptaron los pintores uruguayos se evidencia en el epistola- rio.

No lo dude, Torres, preparo grandes cosas: Adelante, todos los que vamos adelante. Sobre algunos temas en Baudelaire. Cinco caras de la modernidad: Literaturas europeas de vanguardia. Jauss, Hans Robert []: Orientaciones en literatura comparada. Ediciones universidad Salamanca, pp. La cultura de un siglo: Las vanguardias en las revistas literarias. These texts establish a dialogue between the past, perceived as unreal, and a present without future, and they make their contribution to increase the social value of the efforts done by emigrants to leave. Doctor en Literatu- ra por dicha universidad.

Al inal de la jornada marta y jacobo se despiden desapasionadamente y se mar- chan en direcciones opuestas. El patetismo grotesco de jacobo lo inhabilita para cualquier cambio de suer- te. Durante varios minu- tos queda como petriicado, incapaz de articular movimiento alguno.

La murga dota de voz a una igura que se hallaba en cierto modo desprestigiada: Esta crisis de identidad es el caballo de batalla en las letras de numerosas can- ciones de El cuarteto…. En eso estaba de acuerdo. No quiero estar en una ciudad que se cae a pedazos, con gente fea por todas partes, con tipos frustrados y vencidos, con viejos amigos que se destruyen de a poquito. Te estuve llamando y nada. No es que hasta entonces hubiera sido un ingenuo. Todo estaba en su lugar. Solo se escuchan sirenas de vez en cuando Peveroni Edicio- nes Trilce, pp. Signos reales del Uruguay imaginario, montevideo: The Origins of Totalitarianism.

Introduction toan Anthropology of Supermodernity. Lo obvio y lo obtuso: Castillo durante, daniel Los vertederos de la posmodernidad. The Predicament of Culture: Twentieth Century Ethnography, Literature and Art. En Otra navidad en las trincheras. En El tren bala. En Simians, Cyborgs and Women: The Reinvention of Nature, London: Hassler, donald and Wilcox, Clyde En hassler, Donald y Wilcox, Clyde eds. South Carolina university Press: How We Became Posthuman: Virtual Bodies in Cybernetics, Literature and Informatics.

Los 8 de momo Moraes Mena, Natalia En mato Daniel y maldonado Alejandro comp. En hassler, Donald and Wilcox, Clyde Eds. Rebella, Juan Pablo y stoll, Pablo El in de la Modernidad. Wachovski, Andy y Larry La Dama boba, de Lope de vega. Dos autores destacados, que llegan a su madurez a partir de los 70, son Carlos manuel varela , Los cuentos del inal, ; y Ricardo Prieto , el cual ha obtenido varios premios nacionales el florencio y extranjeros el Tirso de molina con El desayuno durante la noche.

Restablecida la democracia en , uruguay ha recuperado su vitalidad te- atral. Son escasas las temporadas en que el teatro uruguayo no haya estado presen- te. Nueva Dramaturgia de Uruguay. Vargas Llosa, Mario En la primera mitad de la secuencia I queda planteado un problema familiar y social bastante trivial: El Padre ni siquiera puede disfrutar de la ropa que se compra ya que el arrendatario la destruye, pretextando que no es del gusto suyo o de Clara.

Ambos terminan por abandonar el hogar. Subraya en dos oportunidades la importancia del ritmo. Rela, Walter ed Teatro uruguayo de hoy.

Teatro uruguayo, madrid, Editorial Aguilar, Con- tiene: Escenarios de dos mundos. De Juan Moreira a los independientes , montevideo, Ediciones Tauro. La escena bajo vigilancia. Teatro, dictadura y resistencia, mon- tevideo, Ediciones de la banda oriental S. Montero zorrilla, Pablo Montevideo y sus teatros, montevideo, monte Sexto.

El teatro independiente uruguayo, montevideo, Editorial Arca. Historia del teatro uruguayo: The World encyclopedia of Contemporary Theatre. La historia de la Comedia Nacional, Intenden- cia municipal de montevideo. AbsTRACT This essay constitutes an anthropological analysis of the origins, components, protago- nists and attendants of the afro-uruguayan ritual known as umbanda. In this context, the irst hand information provided by its participants assumes particular relevance for the investigation. Entre sus obras, todas ellas publicadas en montevideo, se destacan: Agradezco muy especialmente su ayuda al Pai Armando de oxala q.

Escribe, al respecto, Strauss: Son dichos signiicados los que vinculan al grupo de creyentes con la alteridad. A contramano de las interpretaciones exclusivamente culturalistas del ritual, k. Es el caso del misticismo o de los cultos de Apolo vermant, En esa apariencia de ausencia, baudrillard anota la frialdad y el hieratismo ritual como caracteres distintivos. Sin templos, y con ceremonial sencillo a campo abierto bastide Esta fuerza vital puede concentrarse en puntos esenciales o nudos vitales: Pero todas las partes del cuerpo la poseen Existen inclusive acumula- dores de fuerza: Este intercambio supone un compromiso inscripto en el orden social: Los muertos son los verdaderos jefes, custodios de las costumbres: En ambos casos un tono de magicismo, viabilizado por talismanes, piedras y collares, acerca esta religiosidad a cierto grado de pragmatismo operativo.

De esta manera, en esta etapa el giro se efec- 5 Entrevistas mantenidas con la mae Chiquita de oxum Chiquita Aguilar en , y Tiene que empezar a pedir, a vivir, a pedir, a su forma, a su manera, Se necesitan unos diez o veinte minutos de ese silencio, de esa paz, de esa tranquilidad, en la cual el jefe habla, sesiona, dice unas oraciones. La mirada se transforma completa- mente.

Ello implica la constancia de que su identidad ha sido plenamente asumida.

Antolín Diestre Gil

Es entonces cuando las personas que asisten a la ceremonia pasan, de una en una, a pedir ayuda espiritual o consejo a los mediums. Declara la mae Chiquita: Entonces hay que hablarle, hay que decirle: Dice Roxana de beira mar: Porque una cosa era atender a los Pae, cantar, todo aquello, pero otra cosa era entrar en trance. El hombre vivo se construye vivo con la ayuda de hombres muertos. Teresa Porzceanski De nuestros datos surge que un jefe de Templo no congrega usualmente una cantidad de personas mayor que ciento cincuenta en el mejor de los casos, sien- do una cantidad habitual de sesenta a ochenta ieles.

New york, Doubleday Anchor book. New york, Routledge and kegan. El mito del Eterno Retorno. Tratado de historia de las religiones. Rio de janeiro, forense universitaria. Teresa Porzceanski strauss, Anselm L. Altered States of Awareness: Readings from Scientiic American.

Os Vivos e a Morte: Rio de janeiro, zahar. Those were years of euphoria and crisis characterized by an intense literary experimentalism in formal terms and a clear political engagement that overcame the traditional schemes of uruguayan literature. En la actualidad reside entre zaragoza y oliete Teruel , consagrado a la escritura y a diversas actividades editoriales y docentes. Pero insistamos en nuestra interrogante. Ensayos y novelas empiezan a relejar un uruguay que se vive como problema. Lo que felizmente le faltaba al Uruguay Al uruguay, en realidad, le faltaban y siguen faltando muchas cosas.

El uruguay, felizmente, no tiene territorio: Sentimientos que estallan sin cortapisas en la escritura feme- nina ulterior. El 5 de octubre de , en un confuso episodio entre grupos gremiales estudiantiles -la fEuu y el movimiento Estudiantil para la Defensa de Libertad-, se produce un enfrentamiento armado.

El Uruguay y su gente. Con las primeras luces. Distinciones, homenajes y entrevistas Mario Benedetti: Seguro que benedetti es una edad. Siempre joven, permanente y renovadamen- te joven. Su obra se encuentra suspendida entre una doble perspectiva: Contemporary uruguayan authors write their novels and short stories, building up a literary space, right in between realism and fantasy.

The most insigniicant images of a typical boring day become a poetic world in his stories. The present conversation with the author moves between the literature and the history, the culture and the myths of the uruguay of the last ifty years. KEy WORds uruguay, contemporary literature, poetic of the space, fantasy, ictional geography, hugo burel.

Existe sin duda un Faust uruguayo: Ahora esa mirada ya no existe, se ha perdido. No llega a lograr- lo: Sus playas, sus casas de pescadores, sus escasos habitantes, su hotel, sus visitantes fuera de temporada: Inserto ese espacio en la novela o en otros textos y siento que es un espa- cio de mi propiedad. Es una secuencialidad voluntaria: El relato se construye para que el lector participe en la historia: Es el triunfo de la indiferencia.

Ese lugar que describo en el El quinto piso es ese mismo hotel. El protagonista, gracias al ascensor —pero de una manera que no se explica— acce- de a un piso inexistente. El protagonista se olvida el instrumento en la iesta y lo menciona a lo largo del relato. Es evidente que hay cosas que no coinciden. Con mis personajes pasa lo mismo: Es la misma perspectiva que muestra Leonardo Ricagni en Adios Momo, rodado en el barrio Sur de montevideo, que se parece a La habana.

Sus fantasmas personales les impiden asumir lo que tienen y lo que ven: Es el caso, por ejemplo, de El cor- redor nocturno, cuyo escenario principal es la rambla de Pocitos. El protagonista tiene un buen trabajo y vive en un departamento amplio, con vista a la playa. En la novela aparecen personajes que viven bien, que tienen todo, que frecuentan lugares agradables, en un paisaje codiciado.

Las luces de las tiendas rele- jan una multitud de posibles montevideos: Del aire seco hago ahora riguroso calendario que observo con cuidado aunque el cierzo lo desmienta de tanto en tanto. La memoria de un torrente desbordado otras veces la humedad es lo que queda, un resto, la memoria de un temporal o un torrente desbordado, la resaca barrosa y pertinaz de una crecida, los recuerdos que impregnan los muros marcados por los grafiti de un cielo encaprichado. II paso de frontera entre dos territorios vecinos, huella: Latif cuerpos sutiles el alto palacio en el estanque junto a las nubes que pasan como peces agua en la que desde antiguo todo se ve: La estrella dorada en el pecho de la camisa oscura.

El barbero estaba durmiendo en el segundo piso. Con la navaja de afeitar. Ahora le tocaba al sheriff. Roncaba por la nariz, hinchaba el pecho. Los ojos como huevos. Estaban apretadas en un murmullo verde. En una iesta alguien se iba a emborrachar con mi presentimiento. La camiseta es sencilla y obscena como todo lo de esas momias estridentes. Doctor en Literatura hispanoamericana por la Northwestern university, dirige www.

El famoso tren elevado de Chicago tiene una terminal con plataforma morro- cotuda. Es decir, ni en Wisconsin ni en vietnam. En todo caso era grato recordarse con vida. A pesar de su nombre, Cicero nunca fue lugar para latinistas sino para maiosos. Todos, en aquel vaho, brindaron por el error. Alejandro era propietario de una de los Wild Cats, el equipo de basketball de la universidad: Amir hamed El mozo, ya desempacado de su casaca mugrienta, encajaba las sillas sobre las mesas. Sam meham comenzaba por regalarle el encendedor.

Ni a Erwin Cardozo le cupo dudar: En estos casos, ya se sabe, el muerto es siempre el otro. Alejandro, con dinero reciente de un caje- ro, pagaba otro desayuno, en otro mac Donalds. Al menos hasta el presente, las clases en Treinta y Tres no nos obligan a car- raspear tres horas desangrados por los nervios.

Como no se recuperaba ni en la puerta de su casa, lo acarreamos al dormitorio y le dejamos los pies tapados. Recuerdo que, mientras se alejaba, Erwin Cardozo tarareaba mixed Emotions. Acabo de apropiarme del encendedor. Debajo de la cama, los zapatos gastados guardaban celosos un par de medias grises ovilladas. Clausurada desde el cruel incidente, ocupaba un espacio omiso y vedado en todo el hospedaje. Ah, la curiosidad de esos detalles arrancados sin piedad al secreto de la muerte: Enrejados de alambre separaban los lotes y una sarta de portones estrechos, de madera a veces, y de hierro, otras, daba paso a los ter- renos.

Chirriaron las bisagras de sus puertas con gemido siniestro: Su mueca inal era apenas un principio. Leonardo Rossiello pero fue lo que hice. Tres por cinco, Madrid, Paginas de Espuma, , pp. Juego de Villanos, Barcelona, Thule Ediciones, , pp. Si bien son quince los cuentos que componen el volumen, sus narraciones rehuyen de las certezas y los textos expanden y multiplican el sentido.

Las mutaciones o cambios de estado contemplan desde la materialidad del sujeto, como le sucede a Luisa y a L. Sobre marginados, inieles, hermeneutas y exiliados. Women and Power in Argentine Literature. Stor- ies, Interviews, and Critical Essays. University of Texas Press, Centro de Estudios Latinoamericanos, universidad de varsovia. Chiappini, Ligia y bresciani, Maria stella A question that that would pose is whether Egypt today is prepared to have a competitive, open election.

Since the uprising began, Mubarak has been hiding behind the new face of the regime, Gen. Newly released Wikileaks documents reveal that Suleiman has been a long-standing favorite by the U. In another cable, Tel Aviv diplomats added: Suleiman wanted Hamas isolated, and thought Gaza should go hungry but not starve.

They asked rhetorically how could they trust a Vice President whose loyalty is to a discredited and illegitimate president. Thus they firmly rejected not only Suleiman and his parameters for a way forward, but also the premise that any real change would come from adhering to a constitution that has been shredded many time by an illegitimate regime. They advocated a position that called for the legitimacy of the revolution over any outdated constitutional legitimacy. The youth leaders maintain that all institutions of state power, except the army, which on the surface declared its neutrality, have lost their legitimacy in lieu of the will of the people to support the revolution.

Therefore, all efforts by the regime to re-constitute itself through promised reforms to maintain its grip on power are illegitimate and rejected. This is a popular revolution not a protest, they maintained. As the government attempts to weather the storm and deal with Tahrir Square as a Hyde Park phenomenon, a place where people vent their frustrations, the leadership of the revolution has devised new tactics to force the regime to accept their demands.

They have called for massive demonstrations not only in public squares but also called for similar protests around strategic governmental buildings. For example, on Feb. They also blocked the parliament, preventing any member from going in or out. They vowed that soon the presidential palace would be surrounded.

The protesters were also joined this week with professional syndicates and labor unions. Hundreds of judges stood in Tahrir Square on Tuesday wearing their judicial robes in support of the revolution. Similarly, hundreds of journalists chased away the pro-government head of their union declaring the union independent and free. Likewise, hundreds of university professors from colleges across Egypt showed up at Tahrir Square declaring their full support for the goals of the revolution.

Next week schools and universities will be back from the Spring break. The organizers plan to call on hundreds of thousands of students to participate in the demonstrations that could paralyze the whole education system. Meanwhile, they have also reached out to labor unions calling for massive strikes across the nation, especially in state factories and public industries. Slowly but surely selected major industries such as transportation, oil, or navigation through the Suez Canal could also be severely hindered. Sports activities have already ceased. The film industry has stopped all productions.

There is no end to what activities the revolutionaries could advocate or call for. The initiatives are in their hands. They believe that they have the legitimacy and the support of the people. In short, the revolution has adapted to the maneuvering of the regime and has adopted a comprehensive program of activities that are creative and extensive. With the passing of each week more Egyptians are joining the revolution. A culture of freedom and empowerment is on the rise.

Meanwhile, the international community could speed up the inevitable, which is the collapse of the corrupt and repressive regime. Most of this wealth is believed to be in the U. In short, Western governments have access to ill-gotten money that belong to the Egyptian people. They can start investigations to determine the legality of these assets. Similarly, they can encourage Mr. Mubarak to go to Germany for his annual extended medical check-up, after which he could render his resignation.

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The people of Egypt would not forget who stood with them during their revolution, who stood against them, and who was on the sideline. I expect only one outcome - protests will continue until Mubarak steps down from power. Esam Al-Amin can be reached at alamin gmail. Other CIA-paid men were brought weeks later, on August 19, into Tehran in buses and trucks to take over the streets, topple the democratically elected Iranian government, and restore Shah Reza Pahlavi to his thrown.

It took the people of Iran 26 years, enormous sacrifices, and a popular revolution to overthrow the imposed, corrupt and repressive rule of the Shah. This lesson was not lost on the minds of a small clique of officials who were meeting in desperation in the afternoon of Monday, Jan. According to several sources including former intelligence officer Col. Omar Afifi, one of these officials was the new Interior minister, Police Gen. Mahmoud Wagdy, who as the former head of the prison system, is also a torture expert. He asked Hosni Mubarak, the embattled president to give him a week to take care of the demonstrators who have been occupying major squares around the country for about a week.

Not only he had to rapidly reconstitute his security forces, which were dispersed and dejected in the aftermath of the massive demonstrations engulfing the country, but he also had to come up with a quick plan to prevent the total collapse of the regime. The meeting included many security officials including Brig.

By the end of the meeting each was given certain tasks to regain the initiative from the street; to end or neutralize the revolution; and to defuse the most serious crisis the regime has ever faced in an effort to ease the tremendous domestic and international pressures being exerted on their president. They knew that eyes around the world would be focused on the massive demonstrations called for by the youth leading the popular revolution while promising million-strong marches on Tuesday, Feb.

True to their promise the pro-democracy groups drew a remarkable eight million people ten percent of the population throughout Egypt on that day. People from every age, class, and walk of life assembled and marched in every province and city by the hundreds of thousands: It was an impressive show of strength.

This time, they demanded not only the immediate removal of Mubarak but also the ouster of the whole regime. An evil plan devised As the fierce determination of the Egyptian people to remove their autocratic president became apparent, governments around the world began pressuring Mubarak to step down and be replaced by his newly appointed Vice President, the former head of intelligence, Gen.

President Barak Obama, for example, dispatched over the last weekend former U. Ambassador, Frank Wisner, a close friend to Mubarak to deliver such warning. Wisner indeed delivered a firm but subtle message to Mubarak that he ought to announce that neither he nor his son would be presidential candidates later this year.

He also urged him to transfer his powers to Suleiman. Western governments have been alarmed by the deterioration of the situation in Egypt and were trying to give their preferred candidate, Gen. Suleiman, the upper hand before events favor another candidate that might be less amenable to Israel and the West, and therefore shift the strategic balance of powers in the region. However, Benjamin Netanyahu of Israel and King Abdullah of Saudi Arabia, whom the president consulted, strenuously objected and pleaded for time to allow Mubarak to stay in power at least until he finishes his term in September.

Meanwhile, the last touches of a crude plan to abort the protests and attack the demonstrators were being finalized in the Interior Ministry. Each businessman pledged to recruit as many people from their businesses and industries as well as mobsters and hoodlums known as Baltagies — people who are paid to fight and cause chaos and terror. Abu el-Enein and Kamel pledged to finance the whole operation.

Meanwhile,the Interior Minister reconstituted some of the most notorious officers of his secret police to join the counter-revolutionary demonstrators slated for Wednesday, with a specific plan of attack the pro-democracy protesters. About a dozen security officers, who were to supervise the plan in the field, also recruited former dangerous ex-prisoners who escaped the prison last Saturday, promising them money and presidential pardons against their convictions.

By Tuesday evening, Mubarak gave a speech in response to the massive demonstrations of the day. He pledged not to seek a sixth term, while attacking the demonstrators and accusing them of being infiltrated, in an indirect reference to the Muslim Brotherhood.

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Nevertheless, he pledged to complete his term and that he would not leave under pressure. Although he pledged not to run, he was silent about whether or not his son would be a candidate. Leaders of the pro-democracy demonstrators immediately rejected his characterization and insisted that he leave power. John Kerry, the Chairman of the Senate Relations Committee, called publicly on President Mubarak two days earlier to disavow any plans for his son to seek the presidency, the Egyptian president ignored his call. However, a former senior intelligence aide, Mahmoud Ali Sabra, who used to present daily briefs to Mubarak for 18 years , said publicly on Al-Jazeera that Mubarak has indeed been grooming his son to become president since at least Although Jamal had no official title in the government, Sabra stated that Mubarak asked him to present these daily intelligence reports to no one in the government except to him and his son.

Sabra also described how Mubarak was disturbed after the first stage of the Parliamentary elections, when the Muslim Brotherhood won a majority of seats. He then ordered his Interior Minister to manipulate the elections in the subsequent stages and forge the results in order to put NDP on top.

Tahrir or Liberation Square has been the center of action in Cairo throughout the protests. Eight separate entrances lead to it including the ones from the American Embassy and the famous Egyptian museum. Around 2 PM on Wednesday Feb. Over three thousand baltagies attacked from two entrances with thousands of rocks and stones thrown at the tens of thousands of peaceful demonstrators gathered in the square, while most attackers had shields to defend themselves against the returning rocks.

While a few were armed with guns, all baltagies were armed with clubs, machetes, razors, knives or other sharp objects. After about an hour of throwing stones, the second stage of the attacks proceeded as dozens of horses and camels came charging at the demonstrators in a scene reminiscent of the battles of the middle ages. The pro-democracy people fought back by their bare hands, knocking them from their rides and throwing their bodies at them. They subsequently apprehended over three hundred and fifty baltagies, turning them over to nearby army units.

They confiscated their IDs which showed that most assailants were either NDP members or from the secret police. The third stage of the attack came about three hours later when dozens of assailants climbed the roofs in nearby buildings and threw hundreds of Molotov cocktails at the pro-democracy protesters below, who immediately rushed to extinguish the fires. They eventually had to put out two fires at the Egyptian museum as well. By midnight the thugs started using tear gas and live bullets from a bridge above the protesters killing five people and injuring over three dozens, ten seriously.

By morning, the Tahrir Square resembled a battleground with at least 10 persons killed and over 2, injured people, of which required transport to nearby hospitals as admitted by the Health ministry. Most of the injured suffered face and head wounds including concussions, burns and cuts because of the use of rocks, iron bars, shanks, razors, and Molotov cocktails.

Al-Jazeera TV and many other TV networks around the world were broadcasting these assaults live to the bewilderment of billions of people worldwide. Before the attacks started that afternoon, the Minister of Information had also executed his part of the plan. He called on all ministry employees to demonstrate on behalf of Mubarak in an upscale neighborhood in Cairo. He then asked the Egyptian state TV to broadcast live- for the first time in nine days of continuous demonstrations- the ensuing confrontation between the protesters and the government-sponsored thugs, in order to show the Egyptian people what chaos would bring to the country as Mubarak had warned them in his address just the previous night.

The battle plan was for the baltagies to block seven entrances of the Tahrir Square, leaving only the American Embassy entrance open for the thugs to push back the demonstrators in order for them to come so close to the Embassy that its guards surrounding it would have to shoot at them and thus instigate a confrontation with the Americans. But the heroic steadfastness of the demonstrators lead by the youth was phenomenal as they not only withstood their ground but also chased them away every time they were pushed.

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By the next morning the assault fizzled and the whole world condemned the Mubarak regime for such wickedness, cruelty, and total disregard of human life. S, the European Union, the U. On the other hand, by daybreak, hundreds of thousands of Egyptians joined their fellow pro-democracy activists in order to show support and solidarity. In an attempt to contain the damage about what happened in Tahrir Square on Wednesday, Prime Minister Ahmad Shafiq offered his apology to the people. He then pleaded for time to implement political reforms. He also appealed to the nation to allow President Mubarak to complete his term until the upcoming presidential elections in September.

He further called for dialogue with all opposition parties. He insisted on the main demand of removing Mubarak from power before any negotiations could take place. All other opposition groups, including the popular Muslim Brotherhood, followed suit. Meanwhile, the regime in a last-ditch effort to limit the effect of the demonstrations have asked all foreign journalists to leave the country before D-Day Departure Day , and dismantled all cameras from Tahrir Square. There is not a single network in Cairo today that can broadcast the event live.

Clearly, this last ploy was designed to intimidate the demonstrators who insisted that they would not cowed. The Obama administration is evidently very frustrated with Mubarak because of his stubbornness and obliviousness to reality. S, which has been supporting and subsidizing the Egyptian regime for three decades, expected that its beleaguered ally would listen to its advice, limit the damage, pack up and leave.

But his performance and ruthless behavior have endangered its other allies in the region, and caused long-term damage to its strategic interests, namely, Israel, stability, oil, and military bases. Egypt was one of the most important countries and allies to the U. It was a cornerstone in its strategic equation. In turn this change might cause a major re-assessment of the long-term American strategy in the region, especially in regard to policies related to Israel and counter-terrorism.

Thus, Vice President Suleiman is considered by the U. Thus, the more Mubarak maneuvered to stay in power, the less likely this prospect would be realized. Ambassador Wisner, who has been in Egypt since Saturday, was asked to deliver to Mubarak an ultimatum from Obama. Mubarak would be told that he should resign and transfer his presidential powers to his vice president. If he refuses, the army would then remove him anyway, while Western governments would go after the billions in American and European assets that he and his sons have hoarded over the years.

He would also be told that he would face a certain indictment by the International Criminal Court on War Crimes against his people. Surely, Mubarak would be expected to choose the first option and leave either to Germany under a medical pretext, or join his two sons in London. As Omar Suleiman is promoted to become the new President of Egypt, this appointment will be hailed by Western governments and media as a great victory by the pro-democracy forces and as the expression of the will of the Egyptian people.

Political and economic reforms will then be promised to the people, in an effort that allows great leeway in internal reforms but keep foreign policy intact. However, this move will undoubtedly divide the country. The leaders of the revolution, namely the youth, who have led the demonstrations for the past two weeks and sacrificed blood for it, would continue to press for total and clean break from the previous regime.

They will also be supported by popular and grass-roots movements such as the Muslim Brotherhood. The Egyptian public will likely be split as well. With the monopoly of the government over the state media and other means of government information control, the new regime may bet on getting a slack from the public while it consolidates its power.

Alternatively, the youth movement, which started its march towards freedom and democracy using social media and independent means of communications, while spearheading the most robust and forceful democracy movement in the whole region, may actually have the last word. El Tatic de Chiapas: En sus pastizales prolifera el ganado.

Recordemos que desde hace muchos siglos, Chiapas fue escenario de un gran desarrollo cultural. Pienso que don Samuel, al que los tzotziles y otros llamaban ya tatic, padre, hizo suyos dos principios claves que normaron su actuar. Al difundirse la noticia de su fallecimiento las reacciones de inmediato se dejaron sentir. In her spare time, she and two of her colleagues created the Facebook page.

Within days of posting it, over 70, people supported their call. After the security forces cracked down against the huge riots in al-Mahalla on April 6, Abd el-Fattah was arrested. What was odd about this arrest was that although thousands of people have been arrested over the past three decades, it was the first time that a warrant was issued against a female under the notorious emergency laws imposed in the country since To get out of prison she had to apologize and express regret for her actions.

But the experience made her more determined than ever to be politically active. For the next two and a half years it maintained its presence and created one of the most popular political forums on several social networking sites such as Facebook, Twitter, YouTube and Flickr. When the president of Tunisia, Zein al-Abideen Ben Ali, was deposed on January 14, following a four week popular uprising, the April 6 movement, like millions of youth across the Arab World, was inspired, energized, and called for action.

Changing of the Guard: Within a few days they called on all social media sites for massive protests and an uprising against the Mubarak regime. They called for marches to start from all major squares, mosques and churches in Cairo and Alexandria while asking others to help plan in other Egyptian cities. They insisted that the protests would be peaceful and that no one should bring weapons of any type. They had four demands: Within a few days, over ninety thousand youth signed up and charted a comprehensive protest throughout Egypt.

Initially, neither the government nor the opposition took them seriously. Mohammad Elbaradei, who has been criticizing the regime for over a year, was abroad due to his frequent speaking engagements. In a show of force, the government assembled over two hundred thousand of its security forces surrounding the protesters throughout the country. On the other hand, hundreds of thousands of protesters marched representing broad cross sections of society, men and women, young and old, educated and illiterate, and declared that their demonstrations were peaceful but that they were determined to press their demands.

When they could not control the crowds the police beat back the protesters using water canons, tear gas and rubber bullets. By the end of the day there were over a dozen casualties and hundreds of injuries. This not only outraged the demonstrators, but also ignited the whole country. Most of the protesters refused to go home and escalated the confrontation declaring an open demonstration in Liberation Square in downtown Cairo and throughout the country.

The curfews for the following days kept getting longer until the government called for a general curfew from 3 PM to 8 AM. But each time the people simply ignored it and increased their demands, calling for total regime change and the ouster of Mubarak. The next round of protests included participation by all opposition groups, the largest of which was the Muslim Brotherhood MB. Immediately hundreds of their leaders were rounded up and detained. As millions of people across Egypt took to the street, all , security forces and police were mobilized, advancing on the protesters and turning Egyptian streets and neighborhoods into battlegrounds.

By the end of the day dozens more were killed and thousands injured.

Afterwards, security forces evacuated from all the cities. Chaos and confusion ensued. Police stations and buildings belonging to the ruling party were torched. The secret police opened all police stations and prisons releasing all criminals in a scorched-earth attempt to spread fear and chaos. The regime hoped to regain the upper hand by proving its worth to the people as their source of security. By the following day he appointed two generals, his chief of intelligence, Gen. Omar Suleiman as his first ever vice president and Gen. Ahmad Shafiq as prime minister. By Monday the new cabinet was sworn in, retaining 18 of the previous ministers, including those occupying the important posts of defense, foreign, communications, justice, and oil.

The only major change was the sacking of the interior minister, appointing another general in his place. Not a single opposition party was consulted, let alone appointed. The first order of business of the new government was to reconstitute the security forces and restore order. Although by Friday the authorities had completely cut mobile phone and Internet services, the genie was already out of the bottle. When asked by the French news service AFP, Abd el-Fattah, who has been camping with her colleagues since Tuesday in Liberation Square, said, after the government disrupted the internet, "We've already announced the meeting places.

So we've done it, we no longer need means of communication. We've been asking for reforms for 30 years and the regime has never answered or paid attention to our demands. We won't stop, we won't go home. But by Saturday the regime interrupted all satellite channels including Al-Jazeera.

Egyptians were now totally cut off from all means of information and communications. By Sunday afternoon a provisional parliament, made up of the major opposition parties including the MB, the liberal Wafd, and the April 6 and Kefaya movements, met at Liberation Square and appointed a member committee, headed by Dr. Their mandate was to negotiate with the regime the departure of the embattled president. The April 6 youth was disappointed since they had hoped for a formation of a transitional government rather than a committee that would initiate negotiations with the despised regime.

Meanwhile, in the absence of the police and security forces, the president sent the army to restore order and intimidate the protesters. Tanks and armed vehicles were occupying major squares, thoroughfares, and public buildings. The following day Fs and military helicopters were roaming the skies in a show of force. But the protesters immediately embraced the army, hugging them, chanting for them, and asking them to be on their side. The head of the army declared that the military would not attack or intimidate the people but would only protect the country and maintain order.

A few officers even joined the demonstrators in denouncing the regime. Overall, however, the army seems to have kept its loyalty to the regime despite the popular call to oust the president. Meanwhile, people formed popular committees to protect their properties and neighborhoods. Hundreds of looters caught by the people were found to be either deserted police officers or common criminals released by the police.

All were turned to the army for detention. He also was emboldened as he received support from other authoritarians such as the King of Saudi Arabia, and the leaders of Libya and the Palestinian Authority. Initially, the official news agencies in Egypt blamed some members of the ruling party and low-ranking officials. Ezz was a corrupt billionaire businessman who quickly rose through the party ranks and oversaw the latest fraudulent parliamentary elections where the party won 97 per cent of the seats.

Just a few weeks ago, he was praised by ruling party officials for orchestrating the overwhelming victory despite more than judicial orders that overturned much of the election results, but were ignored by the government. Ezz and his family immediately left the country in his private jet. The head of the Cairo International Airport also announced that 19 private jets owned by the richest families in the country left to Dubai on Saturday. One of these corrupt billionaires was Hussein Salem, a former intelligence officer and a close confidant of the president. Salem was the head of a private energy company that teamed up with an Israeli conglomerate to secure a long-term contract to sell natural gas to Israel.

In June Les Afriques reported that Egypt was subsidizing Israel with hundreds of millions of dollars every year in energy purchase. By January , the Israeli newspaper Haaretz exposed the secret and reported that Israel was in fact receiving natural gas from Egypt at a 70 per cent discount. The scandal was swept aside by the former Egyptian prime minister who refused to divulge to the parliament the terms of the contract. Subsequently when the government was sued, a judge ruled against it and invalidated the contract, which the government totally ignored.

Looking the other way: Human Rights but not for all The Mubarak regime had one of the worst human rights records in the world. Security forces used unwarranted lethal force and tortured and abused prisoners and detainees, in most cases with impunity. The executive branch placed limits on and pressured the judiciary. The government's respect for freedoms of press, association, and religion declined during the year, and the government continued to restrict other civil liberties, particularly freedom of speech, including Internet freedom, and freedom of assembly, including restrictions on nongovernmental organizations NGOs.

Government corruption and lack of transparency persisted. In short, the U. In that report, Egypt's prime minister acknowledged that since , the U. Egypt is a strategic partner of the United States. He has sustained peace with Israel which is a very difficult thing to do in that region. Middle East peace efforts, the actions Egypt has taken relative to normalizing the relationship with Israel. I would not refer to him as a dictator.

When Neda Agha-Sultan was killed in Tehran in June , many Western governments immediately issued world-wide condemnations blaming the Iranian government. But not so for the hundreds of Egyptians gunned down by their own government in broad daylight. Regretting the loss of life without denouncing the culprits is a disguised attempt to cover for the crimes and protect the perpetrators. As the Egyptian people showed determination and resilience while the embattled regime intensified its brutality, the administration tried to backtrack.

President Obama offered a stark warning to Mubarak when he said on Friday evening, "Suppressing ideas never succeeds in making them go away. Either with the people or with the regime The following day the President convened his National Security Council and spoke to several world leaders. He gave a statement imploring Mubarak to open the political process and engage the opposition. Britain, France, Germany, and the European Union also called for political openness as well as restraint against the demonstrators. They could not be with both.

This hypocritical stand was in a stark contrast to the position Obama took two days earlier, or that of successive U. In Israel, a real hysteria has engulfed the political establishment. On January 31, Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu told a news conference in Jerusalem that he was concerned about the fate of Israel's peace treaty with Egypt should President Mubarak be forced out of power and replaced by someone more hostile toward Israel. He asked for support of the Egyptian regime lest an antagonistic regime emerges in its place.

The same day Haaretz reported that Israel called on the United States and a number of European countries over the weekend to curb their criticism of President Hosni Mubarak to preserve stability in the region. President; this is your farewell speech to the nation. Are the people leaving the country?