Ecuador: Model of successful integration of indigenous people

Community migration propensity, like household migration history, is a proxy for community migration networks. The inclusion of a variable representing whether the community has a secondary school is included to test whether such a school reduces the out-migration of young persons who seek post-primary educational opportunities. Such an effect was found in earlier research on the out-migration of sons and daughters of colonist households in the NEA by Barbieri et al. However, having such a school in the community may also lead youths to seek more education or change their aspirations towards seeking employment elsewhere especially in urban areas , while at the same time providing them with the human capital to earn more.

Prior to discussing the regression results, we review descriptive characteristics of indigenous migration flows. Migrant characteristics disaggregated by ethnicity are presented in Table 2 , while reasons for migration are in Table 3. Of the individuals that migrated after and did not return by , approximately 62 per cent remained in their native Amazonian provinces.

Furthermore, approximately 40 per cent of all migrants moved to urban destinations either within or outside their native provinces. Individual declared reasons for migration between and by gender and pre-migration age group in Table 2 identifies a range of migration characteristics separated by ethnicity. Reflecting their recent entrance into the NEA, higher percentages of Shuar household heads and their spouses have resided in urban areas and areas outside the surveyed province in their lifetimes compared to the other ethnic groups.

Additionally, less than half of Shuar migrants were born in the surveyed communities compared with over 60 per cent of Kichwa and Secoya. Interestingly, even though low percentages of Huaorani migrated to urban destinations, high percentages crossed provincial boundaries to reach migration destinations Finally, few migrants transferred remittances, ranging from 22 per cent of Huaorani migrants to zero remittances sent by Secoya migrants.

The survey also gathered information on reasons for migrating. This is broken down by gender and age the initial time period prior to migration in Table 3. The migration event occurred up to 11 years later.

In general, migrants are concentrated in the youngest age group 0—11 years in and are more likely to be female than male. The primary reason for moving given by females across all age groups is to accompany a spouse, while education and employment are the second and third most common responses in the 0—11 and 12—19 age groups.

For males, the primary motivation was for education in the 0—11 age group with significant numbers also moving for military service, to accompany a spouse, to look for work, and for other personal reasons. At older ages, diminishing numbers of males migrated to seek employment, to accompany spouses and for other personal reasons. The main regression results are shown in Table 4 , partitioned into the two multinomial models.

Additionally, the odds of not migrating permanently are compared with permanently migrating to a rural destination or to an urban destination. Regarding the determinants of out-migration during the to time period, several variables showed very strong statistical significance, including individual demographic, human capital, and household-level agricultural indicators.

The odds of children and other family members out-migrating are five and 17 times higher, respectively, than those of household heads. Additionally, out-migrants have higher levels of education than non-migrants, reflecting the usual positive selectivity found in migration studies. Specifically, persons with incomplete primary, complete primary, and secondary or higher education levels in have nearly five, six and seven times higher odds of permanently out-migrating, respectively, than individuals without formal education.

Regarding household-level variables, individuals from households headed by Shuar are the only indigenous group that permanently out-migrate at significantly higher odds nearly six times higher than the Kichwa reference type. Being mestizo is also associated with higher permanent out-migration, which is expected since mestizos come from different familial and cultural backgrounds and may have greater ties to family located outside of their community.

Of the household agricultural resource use variables, hectares in cultivation and cattle ownership both had significant effects and in the hypothesized directions. Specifically, individuals from households with more hectares in cultivation or owning cattle in were less likely to out-migrate, reflecting the greater demand for labour for cultivation and possibly a wealth effect of having cattle reducing the need to push household members to leave to reduce consumption burdens. Finally, none of the community-level variables had a significant effect on permanent out-migration.

The second panel in Table 4 presents results for return migrants for determining how they differ from both non-migrants and migrants who did not return before the survey. Return migrants are different from non-migrants and permanent migrants in terms of age, gender, education, and place of birth. In particular, persons aged 12—19 in are twice as likely to out-migrate and return by relative to those aged 0—11 in In contrast to out-migrants who remained away, no significant gender differences are observed among return migrants. Education level is positively associated with return migration compared to non-migration, but the statistically significant odds ratios for each level of education are smaller than those for out-migration, suggesting that the most educated members are less likely to return.

Additionally, individuals born in the community of interest have a 57 per cent greater odds of returning compared with individuals born outside the community, although the effect is marginal. Among household- and community-level variables, ethnicity of the household head, household size and off-farm employment represent the only three variables that substantially differ from the permanent migration results.

Specifically, individuals from households headed by Shuar are no more likely to migrate and return than the Kichwa reference group. However, mestizos are even more likely to return than they were to migrant permanently. In contrast, the engagement of households in off-farm employment in is linked to 1.

1. Introduction

The second set of statistical results in Table 4 shows the effects of independent variables on the choice of rural vs. Differences in the odds for rural and urban destinations also indicate factors that affect destination choice. Thus, rural migrants, compared to non-migrants, are more likely to be female, to be a child or other relative of the head and to have some education.

Among the household variables, similar to migrants to any location, rural migrants are more likely to be from households headed by a Shuar. The odds of individuals from Secoya households migrating to rural destinations are 84 per cent lower than those of the Kichwa, while the Huaorani are about four times as likely to migrate to rural destinations as the Kichwa though both results are only marginally significant. Household size in is not a significant predictor of rural out-migration, but other predictors of rural migration are similar in level, magnitude and significance as those predicting out-migration in general, meaning that both area in cropland and owning one or more cows reduce out-migration to rural destinations.

Also, again, none of the community-level predictors is linked significantly with out-migration to rural destinations vs. Moving to the results for predictors of urban migration vs. These exceptions include age: Approximately 80 per cent of urban migrants moved between the ages of 8 and The fact that only a small percentage of the youngest less than 8 years of age and oldest 18—21 years of age children migrated to urban areas strongly suggests that children moved to seek urban education rather than to accompany adults or for wage labour.

Additionally, the odds that a spouse migrates to an urban area are not significantly different from those of the household head, in contrast to permanent out-migrants. The size of the highly significant odds ratios for the education variables, compared to those for migrants to rural destinations, shows that having more education—complete primary and especially secondary education—is even more important in predicting migration to an urban than a rural destination, as expected.

These results show that education is a powerful predictor of out-migration, especially to urban destinations, as well as a goal of migration for youths. Among household variable factors, only three differences affecting rural vs. First, the Huaorani are no longer more likely to choose an urban destination than the Kichwa. Second, individuals for households with higher value assets are slightly more likely to migrate to urban destinations, which is expected due to the higher cost of migration establishment in urban vs.

And third, being in a larger household is now seen through this disaggregation of destination types to albeit marginally reduce the out-migration to urban destinations vs. As above, none of the community-level factors is linked to the choice of migration to an urban destination vs. The results here challenge common expectations regarding the primary drivers of indigenous migration in Amazonian frontier settings. In many other contexts in the developing world, access to resources and migrant networks are key factors in explaining migration Massey et al.

In contrast, we find that migration is primarily a lifecycle process driven by education, ethnicity and demographic factors. At the same time, there is a considerable, non-traditional flow of rural-urban migrants driven by education, both by their previous education and opportunities for additional education for themselves and their children. Ethnicity also plays a role, particularly for the Shuar who are themselves in-migrants to the study region. The effects of household assets, agricultural resources and land use, migrant networks, and even geographic accessibility are weaker than usually expected or non-significant, suggesting that most moves in this context are not pulled by economic opportunities elsewhere or pushed by social constraints at the origin.

The lack of significant relationships between rural out-migration and household size or household assets connotes non-exploitative migration goals for NEA indigenous peoples. Unlike colonist migration in the NEA, recent migration of indigenous households does not appear to be a coping mechanism in response to population-induced resource limitations—most households have far more land than they use. In the short run, these are positive findings from an environmental perspective, as Ecuadorian Amazon indigenous migrants are nowadays rarely venturing to new Amazonian areas to carve out new existences as they have become settled in stable communities with schools and communal land titles.

Taken together, the results here have important implications both for how we view indigenous communities in the present and for their future in a rapidly changing region. Narratives that portray Amazonian indigenous peoples living in splendid isolation, defending nature or as highly vulnerable to assimilation and culture loss Lu, ; Redford, are outdated.

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Our results suggest a more nuanced reality: Indigenous peoples are so far are not rapidly changing their traditional livelihoods but they are also increasingly engaging with the outside world. That reality is visible here in high rates of traditional rural-rural migration for marriage alongside rural-urban moves driven by education. It is also visible in other analyses of these data which have revealed changing family size norms but a slow increase in use of modern contraception J.

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All empirical studies have limitations, which must be recognized in this study as well. First, it cannot be known whether migrants that had not returned by will remain permanently away or whether they will later return and be reclassified as return migrants the open interval problem. Second, as described in the methods, the sample is not a strict probability sample of indigenous communities, so model results should not be extrapolated beyond sample communities. This research also has important implications for methodology in the study of indigenous livelihoods and demography, which to date has been characterized by small sample sizes and the use of qualitative, ethnographic approaches—quantitative work on the Tsimane of the Bolivian Amazon represents a notable exception Leonard et al.

These approaches are valuable for the depth of insights they provide and attention to process and diversity Lu et al. Complementing previous qualitative and quantitative studies Godoy et al. The opportunity exists to extend this approach to other settings as well as to improve it along several dimensions, including expansion to a larger sample of communities and households, tracking of migrants to interview them directly in places of destination, as well as integration with ethnographic methods.

The analytical dataset used in this paper can be obtained by contacting the corresponding author. National Center for Biotechnology Information , U. Author manuscript; available in PMC Jan 1. Author information Copyright and License information Disclaimer. Abstract Amazonian indigenous populations are approaching a critical stage in their history in which increasing education and market integration, rapid population growth and degradation of natural resources threaten the survival of their traditions and livelihoods.

Open in a separate window. Map of ethnic communities within the Northern Ecuadorian Amazon. Research Questions The preceding review of previous research on the study region and the study population suggests several questions about the possible drivers of indigenous migration in the NEA.

Research Design We use two waves of a household panel survey conducted in and to analyse migration dynamics in NEA indigenous communities. Table 3 Individual declared reasons for migration between and by gender and pre-migration age group in Discussion and Conclusions The results here challenge common expectations regarding the primary drivers of indigenous migration in Amazonian frontier settings. Mobility And migration in indigenous Amazonia: Indigenous urbanization in lowland South America.

Colonization as exploitation in the Amazon rain forest, — University Press of Florida; The overarching goal of this plan and subsequent initiatives is to ensure the long-term wellbeing of the Achuar lands and culture, and establish their right to self-determination at the local, national, regional, and international level. Two notable successes that have evolved from this partnership are the Kapawi Eco-Lodge and the inclusion of Rights of Nature in the Ecuador Constitution.

These initiatives have enjoyed growing global success, and, along with continued achievements in South America, demonstrate the potential power of joining ancient and modern wisdom. Our email updates offer an excellent way to stay up to date with our alliance with The Achuar. Subscribe Now Get Our Newsletter Get a digest of Pachamama Alliance news, events, and resources in your inbox every other month, plus breaking news about our work. Your tax-deductible donation supports our indigenous partners in the Amazon to protect their land and culture, and our programs to bring forth a thriving, just, and sustainable future.

The Achuar The Achuar are a group of indigenous peoples in the Amazon, with a rich, ancient culture who work to preserve their environment and community, and partnered to create The Pachamama Alliance. Ancient People of Ecuador Young Achuar men during a cultural exchange with visitors The Achuar are a group of indigenous peoples of the Amazon Basin, currently numbering around 6, Achuar Wisdom The Achuar have lived in and with the Amazon rainforest for thousands of years, and their wisdom represents an invaluable resource for organizations and people concerned with the loss of this irreplaceable treasure.

A Self-Sufficient Dream Culture All aspects of their culture reflect a spirituality oriented around dreams and visions. Scrapers, projectile points, and awls discovered there date between 9, and 9, BP, while vegetable remains are up to a thousand years older. In the Oriente, human settlements have since at least BP. The end of the Ice Age brought changes to the flora and fauna, which led to the extinction of the large game hunted by Paleo-Indians, such as giant sloth , mammoth , and other Pleistocene megafauna. Humans adapted to the new conditions by relying more heavily on farming.

The adoption of agriculture as the primary mode of subsistence was gradual, taking up most of the Archaic period. It was accompanied by cultural changes in burial practices, art, and tools. The first evidence of agriculture dates anywhere from the Preboreal Holocene 10, years ago [7] to the Atlantic Holocene 6, years ago. The Valdivia culture , an outgrowth of the Las Vegas culture, was an important early civilization.

While archaeological finds in Brazil and elsewhere have supplanted those at Valdivia as the earliest-known ceramics in the Americas, the culture retains its importance due to its formative role in Amerindian civilization in South America, which is analogous to the role of the Olmeca in Mexico. Ceramics were utilitarian, but also produced pieces of very original art, like the small feminine figures referred to as "Venuses. The Valdivia people farmed maize , a large bean now rare of the Canavalia family, cotton , and achira Canna edulis.

They also consumed substantial amounts of fish. Archaeological evidence from the Late Valdivia shows a decline in life expectancy to approximately 21 years. This decline is attributed to an increase in infectious disease, accumulation of waste, water pollution, and a deterioration in diet, all of which are associated with agriculture itself. In the Sierra, people cultivated locally developed crops, including tree bean Erythrina edulis , potatoes, quinoa , and tarwi.

Animal husbandry kept pace with agricultural development, with the domestication of the local animals llama , alpaca , and the guinea pig , as well as the coastal Muscovy duck. The domestication of camelids during this period laid the basis for the pastoral tradition that continues to this day. These people created ceramics, farmed, and hunted and gathered. The hundreds of mounds spread over a twelve square kilometer [13] area at Sangay demonstrate that the Oriente was capable of supporting large populations. The lack of evidence of kings or "principal" chiefs and also challenges the notion that cultural creations such as monuments require centralized authority.

The period from BP— BP is known as the "Regional Development" period, and is marked by the development of metalworking skills. The artisans of La Tolita , an island in the estuary of the Santiago River, made alloys of platinum and gold, fashioning the material into miniatures and masks. Prior to the invasion of the Inca, the indigenous societies of Ecuador had complex and diverse social, cultural, and economic systems. The ethnic groups of the central Sierra were generally more advanced in organizing farming and commercial activities, and the peoples of the Coast and the Oriente generally followed their lead, coming to specialize in processing local materials into goods for trade.

The coastal peoples continued the traditions of their predecessors on the Santa Elena peninsula. They include the Machalilla, and later the Chorrera, who refined the ceramicism of the Valdivia culture. The economy of the peoples of the Oriente was essentially silvicultural , although horticulture was practiced.

They extracted dyes from the achiote plant for face paint, and curare poisons for blowgun darts from various other plants. Complex religious systems developed, many of which incorporated or perhaps originated from the use of hallucinogenic plants such as Datura and Banisteriopsis. They also made coil ceramics. Their political organization was a dual system: While some historians have referred to this system as the "Kingdom of Quito", it did not approach the level of political organization of the state. Using the system of multicyclic agriculture, which allowed them to have year-long harvests of a wide variety of crops by planting at a variety of altitudes and at different times, the Sierra people flourished.

Generally, an ethnic group farmed the mountainside nearest to it. Cities began to specialize in the production of goods, agricultural and otherwise. Sometimes, tribes farmed lands outside their immediate purview. These goods were then traded in a two-tiered market system. Free commerce took place in markets called " tianguez ", and was the means by which ordinary individuals fulfilled their need for tubers, maize, and cotton. Directed commerce, however, was undertaken by specialists called mindala under the auspices of a curaca. They also exchanged goods at the tianguez , but specialized in products that had ceremonial purposes, such as coca, salt, gold, and beads.

Seashells were sometimes used as currency in places such as Pimampiro in the far North. Salt was used in other parts of the Sierra, and in other places where salt was abundant, such as Salinas. They were seafarers, but also practiced agriculture and trade, both with each other and with peoples of the Sierra.

Also following the lead of the Sierra peoples, the people of the Oriente began congregating around sites where cotton, coca, salt, and beads could be more easily produced for trade. Tianguez developed in the Amazon forest, and were visited by mindala from the Sierra.

Achuar | An Ancient Indigenous Culture of the Ecuadorian Amazon | Pachamama Alliance

The extended family , in which polygyny was common, was the basic unit of society. The extended family group is referred to by the Kichwa word " ayllu ", although this type of organization predates the arrival of Quechua speakers. Two political systems were built on the basis of the ayllu: Each curacazgo is made up of one or more ayllu. The Ecuadorian ayllus , unlike in the Southern Andes, were small, made up of only about people, although the larger ones could reach up to 1, members. Each ayllu had its own authority, although each curaca also answered to a chief cacique , who exercised power over the curacazgo.

The cacique' s power depended on his ability to mobilize manual labor, and was sustained by his ability to distribute highly-valued goods to the members of his curaca. Local beliefs and practices co-existed those practiced regionally, which allowed each ethnic group to maintain its own religious identity while interacting, especially commercially, with neighboring groups.

Some regional commonalities were the solar calendar , which marked the solstices and equinoxes, and veneration of the sun, moon, and maize. The Inca empire expanded into what later became Ecuador during the reign of Pachacuti Inca Yupanqui , who began the northward conquest in He gave his son Topa control of the army, and Topa conquered the Quitu and continued coastward.