O regresso do soldado (Bianca) (Portuguese Edition)

Bajo la memoria y el olvido, la vida.

Pero escribir la vida es otra historia. En su juventud, los dos personajes formaron parte del grupo rock Los Extraditable, experiencia duran- te la cual sus excesos con las drogas provocan a Tony lagunas de memoria que Mario le ayuda a rellenar. Revista Sinaloense de Ciencias Sociales, 27, , pp. En la novela, en cambio, el protagonista manifiesta cierto malestar existencial por el hecho de haber sobrevivido a sus recuerdos y por el choque con la realidad: Su armario era como mi memoria: En el texto se lee: La costumbre viene de los 11 Ibi.

Una rubia de locura. Para citar otro ejemplo, en el texto se lee: Espacios del anonimato, Gedisa, Barcelona, , p. Para citar otro ejemplo, hablando del Gringo Peterson, se lee: El no lugar, de este modo, se vuelve morada y refle- jo del personaje que lo habita. La huelga de los acontecimientos, Barcelona, Anagra- ma, , p. En la novela se explica que: En otro pasillo cuatro o cinco encapuchados cargaban a dos turistas rubias, amordazas y atadas de manos.

Scrivere romanzi al tempo della televisione, Milano, Bompiani, , p. Fueron llevadas a una ventana. Los guerrilleros tiraron de una soga. Las muje- res aceptaron salir por la ventana, atadas a los arneses. Los encapucha- dos las siguieron. Lo mismo va a pasar con los viajes. Un bosque 47 Ibi. Ustedes no necesitan una guerra para intoxicarse. La nove- la se cierra cuando el protagonista deja de intentar llenar los huecos de su pasado y empieza a vivir su nueva existencia. Companhia das Letras, , p. La importancia de llamarse Daniel Santos: Edi- ciones del Norte, , p. Mas, sobretudo, elas re- gressam obsessivamente: The Colorado Review of Hispanic Studies, vol.

A veces los fines de la sociedad, enmascarados por los precep- tos de la moral dominante, coinciden com los deseos y necesidades de los hombres que la componen. Otras, contradicen las aspiraciones de fragmentos o clases importantes. Sus componentes dejan de ser hombres y se convierten en simples instrumentos desalmados. El laberinto de la soledad. Companhia das Letras, Ediciones del Norte, Relato de una inquietud.

XVI el Paragone della lingua toscana et castigliana de G. Y las mismas conclusiones encontramos en el trabajo de Luisa Chierichetti Univ. Gli stessi Mainer e Gracia avevano a loro volta coordinato un volume Modernismo y 98, e un supplemento Los nuevos nombres. Viene riproposta, infine, nella pubblicazione di cui ci occupiamo, una sezione antologica, sebbene ora sia corredata anche da testi primari ed extraletterari e non sia una mera silloge di pagine critiche.

Ora si sono divisi il lavoro e ora hanno intrecciato i loro vimini. Il modello adottato per il loro trattamento abbandona il conven- zionale taglio manualistico per acquisire i ritmi e il respiro del saggio. Del resto, a nessuno sfuggono i peculiari problemi posti dalla storicizzazione della letteratura contemporanea: Prieto de Paula in una sua recensione al libro che qui trattiamo. Gli spunti di riflessione che vengono forniti nel volume sono comprensibilmente numerosi.

La radicalizzazione del dissenso antifranchista potrebbe aver finito per ostacolare, fino ad anni relativamente recenti, la percezione storiografica di quei germi di rinnovamento. Appare motivata la ragione per cui il non sia ritenuto uno spartiacque della storia culturale del paese: Certo, bisogna ricordare che fuori della Spagna non considerando i paesi ispanoamericani la letteratura in lingua castigliana fatica a im- porsi sul piano delle vendite.

Dinanzi al titanismo e ai meriti del lavoro ha senso individuare qualche squilibrio? Si tratta, tuttavia, di rilievi minori, che non possono inficiare la portata della pubblicazione. A cominciare dai suoi pregi formali: Alla scrittura fluida va aggiunto lo straordinario grado di compenetrazione formale tra i due autori. E poi ci sono i meriti di contenuto: Cabe por ello felicitar tanto a J. Schlegel, por ejemplo, o la muy notable de K.

Krause , pero han quedado en la sombra algunas fuentes medievales y renacentistas o figuras tan influyentes como Ch. Nel frattempo la real consorte Isabella regina di Castiglia si dedicava anima ed eserciti a combattere i mori nei loro regni in Andalusia, facendone una guerra di reli- gione, una crociata, sino a raggiungerne la cacciata con la conquista di Granada giusto nel E qui interviene il discorso politico: Mori, giudei e zingari nei paesi del Mediterraneo occi- dentale.

Giulia Poggi dedica il suo intervento alla figura del morisco in Cervantes. Sulla minoranza ebraica in area iberica si soffermano alcuni dei contributi raccolti nel volume. Su questo sfondo di staglia la figura tipologica della bella zingara, che viene ammessa persino a corte e seduce nobili e artisti. Leonardo Piasere si sofferma sul primo libro sugli zingari in Italia: Origini e vicen- de dei zingari di Francesco Predari. Pietro Ioly Zorattini studia il ruolo delle Case dei Catecumeni per riscostruire una storia della conversione.

La Pia Casa dei Catecumeni di Venezia o quella di Roma sono un ottimo esempio di come queste istituzioni concretizzassero la politica conversioni- stica inaugurata dalla Chiesa della Controriforma. I due volumi raccolgono i seguenti dodici titoli: El perro del hortelano ed. Le commedie scelte dal drammaturgo — i cui possibili criteri di selezione vengono illustrati da L.

Nello studio introduttivo tomo I, pp. Laskaris segnala alcune analogie riscontrabili tra El perro del hor- telano e altri testi tomo I, pp. Mota evidenzia le somiglianze tra Obras son amores e altre com- medie lopiane tomo I, pp. Ferrer Valls, infine, sottolinea e commenta gli ele- menti che accomunano El mayordomo de la duquesa de Amalfi e El perro del hortela- no tomo II, pp. La copiosa bibliografia tomo II, pp.

Este silencio nos agobia. Sastre, Obras completas, Ma- drid, Aguilar, , vol. Una violenza che si irradia nei gesti quotidiani, nel linguaggio e da violenza fisica diventa violenza anche verbale, clima di diffusa violenza in famiglia. La terza, divisa tra il Nord ed il Sud delle Americhe, e corrispondente alle zone temperate — tanto marginale economicamente nei primi secoli della colonizzazione, quanto ege- mone oggi, anche sotto il profilo culturale — ricomprende le mete privilegiate dei flussi migratori di massa europei European America.

Adelman, Independence in Latin America; F. Mallon, Indigenous Peoples and Nation-States in Spanish America , la lotta politica di genere, il liberalismo come movimento di massa, la creazione del welfare state D. Sousa, Hi- storiography of New Spain; S. Evolution and Recent Contributions; R. Dar conto dettagliato di tutti i saggi presenti nel volume esula dal mio proposito, soprattutto per il numero di essi. Tre grandi settori raggruppano i numerosi interventi. Langa Pizarro , alla mitizzazione del passato messicano in Eguiara y Eguren C.

Una messe di grande rilevanza, come si vede, che costituisce un efficace ampliamento delle conoscenze in un ambito ancora non del tutto esplorato. Il primo gruppo inizia con la trattazione di poeti quali Asturias e Cardenal Stefano Tedeschi ; seguono: Caballero , della Llorona come rinnovamento o morte T. Ortiz Canseco , il rilevamento della presenza dei miti andini in El pez de oro di Gamaliel Churata H. Ad altri paesi sono dedicati, come detto, altri sei saggi: Kazmierczak , de La novela del Indio Tupinamba, di Eugenio Granell, distruzione e ricostruzione del discorso storico ispano J.

Come si vede, un volume fondamentale, il cui merito va non solo agli autori dei vari interventi, ma ai curatori del libro che tali interventi raccoglie. I saggi presenti nel volume curato dalla Barrera si rivolgono a documenti di recen- te scoperta, oppure ad aspetti poco approfonditi della produzione letteraria novoispa- na.

Al Cile sono pure dedicati i saggi: Beatriz Rizk privilegia per il suo saggio un autore statunitense di ascendenza ispano- cubana: And, Above All, Friendship: Percorsi nella letteratura ispanoameri- cana, Firenze, Le Lettere, , pp. La studiosa, pertanto, focalizza la sua ampia ed approfondita analisi su tre aspetti particolari, suddividendo il volume precisamente in tre parti. Nella Parte II, Accanto agli animali gli scrittori, vengono trattati i seguenti argo- menti: Jorge Luis Borges; Ipotesi per un incontro. Di fronte agli animali: La conclusione apre alla speranza: Il volume si com- pone di due parti, la prima dedicata alla cronaca delle Indie, la seconda alla ricezione del Barocco in America e ad opere o momenti significativi di tale ricezione.

Giudizio da sempre condiviso. Seguendo Husserl, Cerrella, in primis, attraverso la sospensione di ogni giudizio a priori, ha evitato contaminazioni e proiezioni. In tal modo, la sua morte costituisce un esempio per ogni latinoamericano. Cerrella, con questo bel volume, ha tentato di svelare il mistero di una donna, indubbiamente affascinante. Una escritora que abre el juego. Gusto por la inestabilidad, la diferencia, la singularidad y el desconcierto: Por su parte, Pilar Linde pp.

Conocemos la vida de otros personajes como el teniente Gam- boa en la medida en que se relacionan con los protagonistas y de algunos tan solo sabemos sus nombres. El trabajo termina con unas reflexiones sobre si La ciudad y los perros se puede considerar fatalista o determinista a la vista de las trayectorias vitales del Ja- guar, Alberto y el teniente Gamboa. Alberto, el Jaguar y el teniente Gamboa. El Jaguar es presentado como un personaje con fuertes con- trastes: Apenas se ven personas por el parque, lo cual invita a reflexionar sobre las caminatas que definen la escritura.

They stayed overnight at Jamul. Charley may have felt out the state of the public mind before he made a public appearance. He was surprised at the devastation and did not entirely discount the lynch threat. By the time of the press conference, however, he was aware that his chief enemies were those who proposed to deny payment of his fee on the ground that he had nothing to do with the rain.

They were designed, if the word applies at all, principally for selling, as indicated by the contract title at Hemet: Perhaps a lawyer might have designed one with fewer holes. It might have been stipulated that performance was established if a specific amount of rain fell while Charley was functioning, without qualification as to cause. They understood that he would do his work, whatever it was, and that if the agreed amount of rail fell they would pay.

That was enough for most of them, and those who dodged paying did not have to hire lawyers to shoot holes in the contracts. He never sued anyone except the City of San Diego, and that half-heartedly. In the February 4 press conference Charley reviewed his career and as much concerning his ideas and methods as he was willing to disclose. Again he said he would be willing to give his secret to the U.

Charley would not tell, but he pointed out that he had spent his own money and added that he would have continued to do so for the full year of the contract if filling Morena had taken that long. Now he expected the city to pay as agreed. He said he did not want to cross that bridge before he reached it. He assumed the council would pay according to the agreement. If Hatfield had caused the rain, then why had it also rained all along the coast, beyond the claimed limits of his influence? Charley said it usually rains more in Los Angeles than in San Diego.

This time it was the other way around. He did not claim to be a rainmaker, but only that he could increase the amount. He was an economist ahead of his time! From the press conference Charley proceeded not to the city treasurer but to the man everybody said he had to see—City Attorney Cosgrove. That gentleman was cordial, businesslike, and disarming.

In short, what exactly did he expect to be paid for? If challenged with the observation that rain had been general and that rains had been known to fall without his help, he was quick to deflate the challenge, not to counter it. The payoff point in Hatfield contracts was usually set above normal expectancy, and this was especially true of all three propositions offered to the San Diego city council. His pay was conditional on an extraordinary amount of rain. Oddly, it appeared that the council had accepted the alternative that involved least rainfall.

If 50 inches had fallen, as provided by either of the alternative propositions, the theoretical results are too horrifying to contemplate. He argued that while he was operating the city had only three days of sunshine. Since he stopped, the sun had been shining daily. In any case Charley made the mistake of attempting to put on paper what he had always managed to keep conveniently indistinct, probably in his own mind as well as in the minds of his clients.

He claimed to have been directly responsible for four billion gallons of what ran into Morena. Mayor Edwin Capps asked him to state his business. That has been done. Charley had already put his foot into it in writing, and he repeated verbally: Charley was indeed bound up in a contradiction of his own making.

This was too easy. Charley was already in a bad position and Cosgrove pushed him harder: You do not want the city to pay you for what nature did, do you? He offered to deliver 10 billion gallons. Therefore he had not fulfilled his contract, and there is no liability on the part of the city. He should have waited until he fulfilled his contract.

Councilman Moore did not like to argue with a man so sharp and so emphatic as young Cosgrove, but he had a dogged sense of honesty. The records all show that Hatfield made three propositions to the city. Under the constitution and the statutes of the state and the charter of the city, a claim that is unenforceable is invalid. So the council voted to refer the matter to the city attorney, which meant to deny payment. He ought to be paid. For such disputations Charley had neither ability nor stomach. He was best when he held forth in his own terms on his own claims.

Most of those who talked to him for any reasonable length of time were convinced that he had convinced himself. Of course the reasons for refusing to pay Charley, as every San Diegan knows, was that if Charley really caused the rain then the city presumably could be held responsible for the damage it caused. It was never presented to the council or Hatfield for approval. Higgins wrote, years later, that it was based on the alternative of filling Morena Reservoir rather than on the fall of 50 inches of rain.

If Charley had made a fuzzy contract, so had the city council.

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Who wanted Morena to overflow more than it had already? Charley got an attorney to file suit, but the suit appeared to be merely an effort to urge settlement. Later the attorney implied a willingness to settle for even less. If a damage suit had prevailed and if Hatfield had been without assets to cover, would the city have been liable anyway? Charley refused to sign.

Three years later he resigned as city attorney and entered private practice in Los Angeles. Among his greater victories was the triumph for his client and former employer, the City of San Diego, in the Paramount Rights Case completed in Ultimately two damage suits against San Diego in the matter of the Hatfield flood reached trial, under change of venue.

However, the city made cash settlements to some claimants who were willing to settle out of court. He himself was soon removed from the Hatfield problem by affairs of greater moment. It was Higgins who had to defend the city and it was Higgins who had to explain and find dignity in the Cosgrove-Higgins role, where there was really no dignity to be found. He worked very hard at it. For most modern San Diegans, the refusal to pay was justified in view of the damage suits against the city, of which there could have been many more.

Still it does seem a pity to some that Charley could not have been paid, since he did seem to make good on the kind of deal the council made with him. But Charley was scrupulous. Higgins himself had testified to the refusal of one back door payment proposition. If Charley had taken any payment he probably would not have continued to say, as he did, that the city had not paid him. Paul Hatfield of Pearblossom, Calif. Three eye witnesses to the floods were especially helpful through personal interviews.

Don Stewart, former San Diego city councilman, city treasurer and postmaster, was interviewed on August 20, , in Riverside. He was the most informative of a delegation from the San Diego History Center, the other members of which were Edgar F. Hastings, Joe Silvers and Wilmer B. Stewart especially recalled Fred A.

The other two key recollections came from Seth and Maggie Swenson, who tended the dam at Morena Reservoir. They were interviewed, probably no later than , at their home in San Diego. The following books were consulted with particular reference to the Hatfield story: Material Culture in Transition.

1. La mujer más adecuada (Jazmín) (Spanish Edition).
2. Canines of College Football!
3. Oprah Winfrey ( Liebe, Kraft und Leidenschaft ) -German Edition-!
4. Dançando sob a Lua?
5. www.newyorkethnicfood.com: Rebecca Winters: Books, Biography, Blogs, Audiobooks, Kindle.
6. Rebecca Winters!
7. História | Uma (in)certa antropologia?

Curiously ubiquitous, since everyone has one, but yet largely invisible, anatomists revealed the skeleton to view. The well-known illustrations of Vesalius were plagiarized over and over for two centuries after their publication in Vesalius was the first to give detailed instructions on how to make a skeleton, for although it was a natural object, it was also a crafted object whose construction entailed a lot of work.

The human body became an object in motion as it travelled from the scaffold to the dissection table to the grisly cauldron where the bones were boiled to remove their flesh. While artists and anatomists employed skeletons for instruction, little evidence of their collection appears before the mid-seventeenth century, when they begin to appear in cabinets and collections. By the end of the seventeenth century, a vigorous skeleton trade flourished across Europe, and they often appear in auction catalogues alongside books, works of art, and scientific instruments.

At the same time, relics, both old and new, retained their potency in both Catholic and Protestant countries. Most skeletons were of executed criminals, some of them widely known. Widespread demand and changing scientific contexts expanded the market for skeletons as well as skulls beyond Europe to encompass much of the known world by the mid-eighteenth century.

Such catalogues, along with account books, advertisements, and illustrations, reveal this worldwide commerce in skeletons alongside a continued trade in skeletal relics. Traveling across time and place, skeletons embodied beauty and deformity, crime and punishment, sin and sanctity, science and colonial power, often simultaneously. Em levantamentos de campo, pesquisadores da USP observaram que moradores do interior tanto do Brasil quanto de Portugal, principalmente os menos escolarizados, ainda falam desse modo.

O que parecia anacronismo ganhou valor. As palavras podem morrer ou ganhar novos sentidos. Os modos antigos de falar podem ressurgir. Mechanism, Magic, Nature, and Art , is out in June. In the Abbasid caliph in Baghdad, Harun al-Rashid, sent Charlemagne a gift the like of which had never been seen in the Christian empire: It chimed the hours by dropping small metal balls into a bowl.

Instead of a numbered dial, the clock displayed the time with 12 mechanical horsemen that popped out of small windows, rather like an Advent calendar. Certain technologies are so characteristic of their historical milieux that they serve as a kind of shorthand. When mechanical clockwork finally took off, it spread fast. But technological ages rarely have neat boundaries. Throughout the Latin Middle Ages we find references to many apparent anachronisms, many confounding examples of mechanical art. Mechanical beasts and artificial songbirds. Most were designed and built beyond the boundaries of Latin Christendom, in the cosmopolitan courts of Baghdad, Damascus, Constantinople and Karakorum.

Such automata came to medieval Europe as gifts from foreign rulers, or were reported in texts by travellers to these faraway places. Next to the throne stood a life-sized golden tree, on whose branches perched dozens of gilt birds, each singing the song of its particular species. When Liudprand performed the customary prostration before the emperor, the throne rose up to the ceiling, potentate still perched on top. At length, the emperor returned to earth in a different robe, having effected a costume change during his journey into the rafters.

The contrast between the two accounts is telling. The Byzantine one is preoccupied with how the special effects slotted into certain rigid courtly rituals. A nice refinement of royal protocol. Liudprand, however, marvelled at the spectacle. He hazarded a guess that a machine similar to a winepress might account for the rising throne; as for the birds and lions, he admitted: Other Latin Christians, confronted with similarly exotic wonders, were more forthcoming with theories. In time, scholars and philosophers used their own scientific ideas to account for them. Their framework did not rely on a thorough understanding of mechanics.

The kind of mechanical knowledge that had flourished since antiquity in the East had been lost to Europe following the decline of the western Roman Empire. Yet the very blurriness of that boundary made it fertile territory for the medieval Christian mind. In time, the mechanical age might have disenchanted the world — but its eventual victory was much slower than the clock craze might suggest.

And in the meantime, there were centuries of magical machines. I n the medieval Latin world, Nature could — and often did — act predictably. But some phenomena were sufficiently weird and rare that they could not be considered of a piece with the rest of the natural world. They therefore were classified as preternatural: What might fall into this category? Pretty much any freak occurrence or deviation from the ordinary course of things: Then again, some phenomena qualified as preternatural because their causes were not readily apparent and were thus difficult to know.

Take certain hidden — but essential — characteristics of objects, such as the supposedly fire-retardant skin of the salamander, or the way that certain gems were thought to detect or counteract poison. Magnets were, of course, a clear case of the preternatural at work. If the manifestations of the preternatural were various, so were its causes. Nature herself might be responsible — just because she often behaved predictably did not mean that she was required to do so — but so, equally, might demons and angels.

People of great ability and learning could use their knowledge, acquired from ancient texts, to predict preternatural events such as eclipses. Or they might harness the secret properties of plants or natural laws to bring about certain desired outcomes. Magic was largely a matter of manipulating this preternatural domain: All of which is to say, there were several possible explanations for the technological marvels that were arriving from the east and south. Moving, speaking statues might also be the result of a particular alignment of planets.

While he taught at the cathedral school in Reims, Gerbert of Aurillac, later Pope Sylvester II , introduced tools for celestial observation the armillary sphere and the star sphere and calculation the abacus and Arabic numerals to the educated elites of northern Europe. His reputation for learning was so great that, more than years after his death, he was also credited with making a talking head that foretold the future. According to some accounts, he accomplished this through demonic magic, which he had learnt alongside the legitimate subjects of science and mathematics; according to others, he used his superior knowledge of planetary motion to cast the head at the precise moment of celestial conjunction so that it would reveal the future.

No doubt he did his calculations with an armillary sphere. Because the category of the preternatural encompassed so many objects and phenomena, and because there were competing, rationalised explanations for preternatural things, it could be difficult to discern the correct cause. Does a talking statue owe its powers to celestial influence or demonic intervention? According to one legend, Albert the Great — a 13th-century German theologian, university professor, bishop, and saint — used his knowledge to make a prophetic robot.

When the friar went inside he saw that it was not Brother Albert who had answered his knock, but a strange, life-like android. Thinking that the creature must be some kind of demon, the monk promptly destroyed it, only to be scolded for his rashness by a weary and frustrated Albert, who explained that he had been able to create his robot because of a very rare planetary conjunction that happened only once every 30, years. In legend, fiction and philosophy, writers offered explanations for the moving statues, artificial animals and musical figures that they knew were part of the world beyond Latin Christendom.

Like us, they used technology to evoke particular places or cultures. The golden tree with artificial singing birds that confounded Liudprand on his visit to Constantinople appears to have been a fairly common type of automaton: In the early 13th century, the sultan of Damascus sent a metal tree with mechanical songbirds as a gift to the Holy Roman Emperor Frederick II. But this same object also took root in the Western imagination: In one romance from the early 13th century, sorcerers use gemstones with hidden powers combined with necromancy to make the birds hop and chirp.

In another, from the late 12th century, the king harnesses the winds to make the golden branches sway and the gilt birds sing.

Uma (in)certa antropologia

O f course, the Latin West did not retain its innocence of mechanical explanations forever. Three centuries after Gerbert taught his students how to understand the heavens with an armillary sphere, the enthusiasm for mechanical clocks began to sweep northern Europe. These giant timepieces could model the cosmos, chime the hour, predict eclipses and represent the totality of human history, from the fall of humankind in the Garden of Eden to the birth and death of Jesus, and his promised return.

Astronomical instruments, like astrolabes and armillary spheres, oriented the viewer in the cosmos by showing the phases of the moon, the signs of the zodiac and the movements of the planets. Carillons, programmed with melodies, audibly marked the passage of time. Large moving figures of people, weighted with Christian symbolism, appear as monks, Jesus, the Virgin Mary. They offered a master narrative that fused past, present and future including salvation.

The monumental clocks of the late medieval period employed cutting-edge technology to represent secular and sacred chronology in one single timeline. Secular powers were no slower to embrace the new technologies. Like their counterparts in distant capitals, European rulers incorporated mechanical marvels into their courtly pageantry. And yet, although medieval Europeans had figured out how to build the same kinds of complex automata that people in other places had been designing and constructing for centuries, they did not stop believing in preternatural causes.

Certainly the London goldsmiths in were in no doubt about how the marvellous angel worked. But because a range of possible causes could animate automata, reactions to them in this late medieval period tended to depend heavily on the perspective of the individual. At a coronation feast for the queen at the court of Ferdinand I of Aragon in , theatrical machinery — of the kind used in religious Mystery Plays — was used for part of the entertainment. A mechanical device called a cloud, used for the arrival of any celestial being gods, angels and the like , swept down from the ceiling.

The figure of Death, probably also mechanical, appeared above the audience and claimed a courtier and jester named Borra for his own. Other guests at the feast had been forewarned, but nobody told Borra. A chronicler reported on this marvel with dry exactitude: Death threw down a rope, they [fellow guests] tied it around Borra, and Death hanged him. You would not believe the racket that he made, weeping and expressing his terror, and he urinated into his underclothes, and urine fell on the heads of the people below.

He was quite convinced he was being carried off to Hell. The king marvelled at this and was greatly amused. Such theatrical tricks sound a little gimcrack to us, but if the very stage machinery might partake of uncanny forces, no wonder Borra was afraid. Nevertheless, as mechanical technology spread throughout Europe, mechanical explanations of automata and machines in general gradually prevailed over magical alternatives. By the end of the 17th century, the realm of the preternatural had largely vanished. Technological marvels were understood to operate within the boundaries of natural laws rather than at the margins of them.

This new mechanistic world-view prevailed for centuries. But the preternatural lingered, in hidden and surprising ways. In the 19th century, scientists and artists offered a vision of the natural world that was alive with hidden powers and sympathies. Machines such as the galvanometer — to measure electricity — placed scientists in communication with invisible forces. Perhaps the very spark of life was electrical.

Even today, we find traces of belief in the preternatural, though it is found more often in conjunction with natural, rather than artificial, phenomena: Yet our ongoing fascination with machines that escape our control or bridge the human-machine divide, played out countless times in books and on screen, suggest that a touch of that old medieval wonder still adheres to the mechanical realm.

A Politics for the Anthropocene. Officially, for the past 11, years we have been living in the Holocene epoch. In its nearly 12, years, plate tectonics has driven the continents a little more than half a mile: It has been a warm time, when temperature has mattered as much as tectonics. But the real news in the Holocene has been people. Since then, we have made the world our anthill: Rising sea levels are now our doing. As a driver of global change, humanity has outstripped geology.

Coined by the ecologist Eugene Stoermer in the s and brought to public attention in by the Nobel Prize-winning atmospheric scientist Paul Crutzen, the term remains officially under consideration at the Stratigraphy Commission of the Geological Society of London. The rise of agriculture in China and the Middle East? The industrial revolution and worldwide spread of farming in the Age of Empire? Each is also a symbol of a new set of human powers and a new way of living on Earth. The most radical thought identified with the Anthropocene is this: Our mark is on the cycle of weather and seasons, the global map of bioregions, and the DNA that organises matter into life.

The discovery that nature is henceforth partly a human creation makes the Anthropocene the latest of three great revolutions: The first to fall was politics. Once presented as a gift of providence or an outgrowth of human nature, economic life, like politics, turned out to be a deliberate and artificial achievement. We are still debating the range of shapes it can take, from Washington to Greece to China. Now, in the Anthropocene, nature itself has joined the list of those things that are not natural. The world we inhabit will henceforth be the world we have made.

The revolution in ideas that the Anthropocene represents is rooted in hundreds of eminently practical problems. The conversation about climate change has shifted from whether we can keep greenhouse-gas concentrations below key thresholds to how we are going to adapt when they cross those thresholds.

Now it is in the mix and almost sure to grow more prominent. As climate change shifts ecological boundaries, issues such as habitat preservation come to resemble landscape architecture. There is open talk in law-and-policy circles about triage in species preservation — asking what we can save, and what we most want to save.

W hat work is this idea of the Anthropocene doing in culture and politics? As much as a scientific concept, the Anthropocene is a political and ethical gambit. Saying that we live in the Anthropocene is a way of saying that we cannot avoid responsibility for the world we are making. So far so good. This is itself a branding strategy, an opportunity to slosh around old plonk in an ostentatiously shiny bottle. Other humanists bring their own preoccupations to a sense of gathering apocalypse.

Some far-ranging speculation and sweeping summaries are to be expected, and forgiven. Nonetheless, something in the Anthropocene idea seems to provoke heroic thinking, a mood and rhetoric of high stakes, of the human mind pressed up against the wall of apocalypse or arrived at the end of nature and history.

Greif argues that a high-minded but often middle-brow strain of rhetoric responded to the horrors of the world wars and the global struggles thereafter with a blend of urgent language and sweeping concepts or pseudo-concepts: Greif describes discourses of responsibility as attempts to turn words and thoughts, uttered in tones of utmost seriousness, into a high form of action. All of this is recognisable in Anthropocene talk. The Anthropocene does not seem to change many minds, strictly speaking, on point of their cherished convictions.

But it does turn them up to On the whole, this is the inevitable and often productive messiness that accompanies a new way of seeing, one that unites many disparate events into a single pattern. Such a classification is always somewhat arbitrary, though often only in the trivial sense that there are many ways to carve up the world. To put this over-dramatised idea in the least heroic garb possible, what will the weather be like in the Anthropocene?

And how will we talk about the weather there? F or all the talk of crisis that swirls around the Anthropocene, it is unlikely that a changing Earth will feel catastrophic or apocalyptic. Some environmentalists still warn of apocalypse to motivate could-be, should-be activists; but geologic time remains far slower than political time, even when human powers add a wobble to the planet. Instead, the Anthropocene will be like today, only more so: And where apocalyptic change is a rupture in time, a slow crisis feels normal.

It feels, in fact, natural.

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So the Anthropocene will feel natural. I say this not so much because of the controversial empirics-cum-mathematics of the climate-forecasting models as because of a basic insight of modernity that goes back to Rousseau: What would have been unimaginable or seemed all but unintelligible years ago, let alone a sliver of time in the evolutionary life of a species , can become ordinary in a generation.

It takes a great deal of change to break through this kind of adaptability. This is all the more so because rich-country humanity already lives in a constant technological wrestling match with exogenous shocks, which are going to get more frequent and more intense in the Anthropocene. The same events, in poorer places, are catastrophes. Planetary changes will amplify the inequalities that sort out those who get news from those who get catastrophes; but these inequalities, arising as they do from a post-natural nature, will feel as if they were built into the world itself.

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Indeed, nature has always served to launder the inequalities that humans produce. Are enslaved people kept illiterate and punished brutally when they are not servile? Then ignorance and servility must be in their nature, an idea that goes back in a continuous line to Aristotle. The same goes for women, with some edits to their nature: Maybe they were racially different.

Maybe their climate made them weak and irrational, unable to cultivate the land or resist European settlement. Colonists briefly embraced this idea, then grew uneasy when they realised that the North American climate was now theirs; by the time of American independence, they raced to reject climatic theories of racial character. Maybe Native Americans had simply failed to fulfil the natural duty of all mankind, to clear and plant the wilderness and make it bloom like an English garden, an idea that many theorists of natural law advanced in the 17th and 18th centuries.

One way or another, nature was a kind of ontological insurance policy for human injustice. In fact, that is the first spur to technology and development of all kinds: Tropical diseases with changing range will find some populations well-equipped with vaccination and medicine, others struggling with bad government and derelict health systems. When seas rise fast, even the feckless but rich US will begin adapting fast, and coastal flooding will be classified in the rich-world mind as a catastrophe of the poor.

A legal regime of unequal Anthropocene vulnerability is well underway. When drought, soil exhaustion or crop crisis puts a pinch on global food supply, contracts and commerce will pull trillions of calories to fat-and-happy Beijing. This is, of course, only the latest chapter in centuries of imperialism and post-imperial, officially voluntary global inequality.

But it is the chapter that we the living are writing. Neoliberal environmentalism aims to bring nature fully into the market, merging ecology and economy. For the moment, Anthropocene inequality has a special affinity with neoliberalism, the global extension of a dogmatic market logic and increasingly homogenous market forms, along with an accompanying ideology insisting that, if the market is not beyond reproach, it is at least beyond reform: Where previous episodes of global ecological inequality took place under direct imperial administration — witness the Indian famines of the late 19th century, suffered under British rule — ours is emerging under the sign of free contract.

Anthropocene inequality is thus being doubly laundered: But Anthropocene problems also put pressure on the authority of economics. Wetlands — not valued on the real-estate market, but great sources of filtration, purification and fertility, which would otherwise cost a lot to replicate — are the model positive externality. Take the example of carbon emissions. It is possible to create a market for emissions, as Europe, California and other jurisdictions have done; but at the base of that market is a political decision about how to value the economic activity that emits carbon against all the uncertain and even speculative effects of the emissions.

The same point holds for every post- natural system on an Anthropocene planet. Ultimately, the question is the value of life, and ways of life. There is no correct technocratic answer. T he shape of the Anthropocene is a political, ethical and aesthetic question. It will answer questions about what life is worth, what people owe one another, and what in the world is awesome or beautiful enough to preserve or re create. Either the answers will reproduce and amplify existing inequality or they will set in motion a different logic of power.

Either the Anthropocene will be democratic or it will be horrible. A democratic Anthropocene would start from a famous observation of the economics Nobel Prize laureate Amartya Sen: Natural catastrophes are the joint products of natural and human systems. Your vulnerability to disaster is often a direct expression of your standing in a political and economic order. But talk of democracy here is — like much about the Anthropocene — in danger of becoming abstract and moralising.

Reflecting on a democratic Anthropocene becomes an inadvertent meditation on the devastating absence of any agent — a state, or even a movement — that could act on the scale of the problem. To think about the Anthropocene is to think about being able to do nothing about everything. This returns us to the basic problem that the Anthropocene drives home: The Anthropocene shows how far the world is from being such a polity, or a federation of such polities, and how much is at stake in that absence.

The world is too much with us. In the face of all these barriers, what could all this talk about the Anthropocene possibly accomplish? While mere ideas are in fact sorry comforts in an unmanageable situation, they can be the beginning of demands, projects, even utopias, that enable people to organise in new ways to pursue them. A democratic Anthropocene is just a thought for now, but it can also be a tool that activists, thinkers and leaders use to craft challenges and invitations that bring some of us a little closer to a better possible world, or a worse one. The idea that the world people get to inhabit will only be the one they make is, in fact, imperative to the development of a political and institutional programme, even if the idea itself does not tell anyone how to do that.

There might not be a world to win, or even save, but there is a humanity to be shaped and reshaped, freely and always in partial and provisional ways, that can begin intending the world it shapes. The fossil hall is now mostly empty and painted in deep shadows as palaeobiologist Scott Wing wanders through the cavernous room. Given the magnitude of these changes, many researchers propose that the Anthropocene represents a new division of geological time.

The concept has gained traction, especially in the past few years — and not just among geoscientists. The word has been invoked by archaeologists, historians and even gender-studies researchers; several museums around the world have exhibited art inspired by the Anthropocene; and the media have heartily adopted the idea. The greeting was a tad premature. Although the term is trending, the Anthropocene is still an amorphous notion — an unofficial name that has yet to be accepted as part of the geological timescale.

That may change soon. A committee of researchers is currently hashing out whether to codify the Anthropocene as a formal geological unit, and when to define its starting point. But critics worry that important arguments against the proposal have been drowned out by popular enthusiasm, driven in part by environmentally minded researchers who want to highlight how destructive humans have become. Some supporters of the Anthropocene idea have even been likened to zealots. Normally, decisions about the geological timescale are made solely on the basis of stratigraphy — the evidence contained in layers of rock, ocean sediments, ice cores and other geological deposits.

He led a group that helped to define the most recent unit of geological time, the Holocene epoch, which began about 11, years ago. A , — ; Methane, Ref. The decision to formalize the Holocene in was one of the most recent major actions by the ICS, which oversees the timescale. In geological time, the 66 million years since the death of the dinosaurs is known as the Cenozoic era. Within that, the Quaternary period occupies the past 2.



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The vast bulk of the Quaternary consists of the Pleistocene epoch, with the Holocene occupying the thin sliver of time since the end of the last ice age. When Walker and his group defined the beginning of the Holocene, they had to pick a spot on the planet that had a signal to mark that boundary.

Most geological units are identified by a specific change recorded in rocks — often the first appearance of a ubiquitous fossil. But the Holocene is so young, geologically speaking, that it permits an unusual level of precision. A similar fingerprint of warming can be seen in lake and marine sediments around the world, allowing geologists to precisely identify the start of the Holocene elsewhere.

Even as the ICS was finalizing its decision on the start of the Holocene, discussion was already building about whether it was time to end that epoch and replace it with the Anthropocene. This idea has a long history. The idea has gained traction only in the past few years, however, in part because of rapid changes in the environment, as well as the influence of Paul Crutzen, a chemist at the Max Plank Institute for Chemistry in Mainz, Germany. Crutzen has first-hand experience of how human actions are altering the planet.

In the s and s, he made major discoveries about the ozone layer and how pollution from humans could damage it — work that eventually earned him a share of a Nobel prize. In , he and Eugene Stoermer of the University of Michigan in Ann Arbor argued that the global population has gained so much influence over planetary processes that the current geological epoch should be called the Anthropocene 2. As an atmospheric chemist, Crutzen was not part of the community that adjudicates changes to the geological timescale.

But the idea inspired many geologists, particularly Zalasiewicz and other members of the Geological Society of London. In , they wrote a position paper urging their community to consider the idea 3. Those authors had the power to make things happen. Zalasiewicz happened to be a member of the Quaternary subcommission of the ICS, the body that would be responsible for officially considering the suggestion. One of his co-authors, geologist Phil Gibbard of the University of Cambridge, UK, chaired the subcommission at the time.

Since then, the working group has been busy.

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The group has several issues to tackle: When Crutzen proposed the term Anthropocene, he gave it the suffix appropriate for an epoch and argued for a starting date in the late eighteenth century, at the beginning of the Industrial Revolution. When the Anthropocene Working Group started investigating, it compiled a much longer long list of the changes wrought by humans. Blog de assuntos diversos sobre o Brasil em Budapeste. Blog de assuntos gerais sobre o Brasil.

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