La Guerrière innocente T01 : Ma Meilleure Ennemie (French Edition)

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It is also an indication that ispence was already demanded from the reaya, when the exemptions were granted to the korucIyan. The timar system was already in force, existing as an institution from the time of Osman, the founder of the Ottoman state. The tahrir was to be obtained in order to forbid that. Furthermore, each year those villages paid instead of various taxes only a fixed, lump sum of money maktu ' to the vakif and nothing else. The term "pencik oglanl" for the future janissaries was used only at the beginning of the institution, being later replaced by different terms, perhaps since the abolition of the collection of the real pencik in the first decades of the 16th century.

For Gazi Evrenos and his descendants see I. For the vakIf of Gazi Evrenos see V. We can see that only a few inhabitants of certain villages in the Gazi Evrenos vakzf enjoyed immunity. When did this happen? I think that in order to establish the possible date of the beginning of the exemption we should examine the conditions under which the villages in the area came under Turkish domination.

As we have already seen, the villages of the koruclyan, together with about 35 other villages, belonged to the vast vakIf of Gazi Evrenos Bey and his descendants. However, the main part of the vakIf extended over the large plain west of Thessaloniki, as far as the lake of Yenice- i Vardar, which has been drained in recent years.

The role of Evrenos Bey and his family in the occupation of Thrace, Macedonia and other parts of Greece is well known. Acting most of the times somewhat independently of the army of the Ottoman bey, Gazi Evrenos occupied Ypsala, Giimiilcine, Zihna and Serres, being a real "malik al-ghuzat wa '1- mujahidln", as his tomb-stone records.

We know that Turkish forces appeared before the ramparts of Thessaloniki in the spring of , soon after the defeat of the Serbian army on the battlefield of C;irmen. Cydones wrote in a letter of his: During the next few years several castles and towns of Macedonia surre- ndered to the same irregular troops. The events of the Ottoman conquest of Ma- cedonia are not clear at all. Several dates are given for the occupation of each town; most of them are concentrated in the periods around 17 and Most probably there existed there a town or a castle of unknown name.

In Giimtilcine, in Serres and much later in Thessaloniki,2I the same name was given to mahalles belonging either to his vaklf or in which a number of his warriors had settled. Yenice-i Vardar became the main centre of the Evrenos family, where the tombs of Gazi Evrenos himself and his descendants were located together with several mosques, imarets, hammams and other buildings of the same character. The area extending from the town of Yenice to the surroundings of Thessaloniki formed the vaklf, which was founded around This was not the first time for the Turks to be seen under the walls of Thessaloniki.

We must assume that its villages had been occupied by or surrendered to the forces of Gazi Evrenos, which had made Yenice their centre, and not to the main Ottoman army. The occupation must have taken place at the same time or soon after Gazi Evrenos settled in Yenice, while his irregular troops were blockading the town of Thessaloniki, which surrendered then, thanks mainly to their efforts.

The main Ottoman forces were present when the siege began, soon after the conquest of Serres, and the battle of Chortaitou 23 and when the town capitulated,24 but the long, close blockade of the town could be carried out only by the efforts of the gazis headed by Gazi Evrenos; for this purpose their base and supply centres must have been situated not far from the city.

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The villages of the korucryan, situated at the eastern borders of the vakif area and closer to the town of Thessaloniki, had probably surrendered to Gazi Evrenos under certain conditions, the duty of breeding horses and camels for his gazis with the exemption from paying pencik oglanl among them. The connection also of the camel-breeders in the remote kaza of Drama with the ocak of the koruczyan of Thessaloniki, all of them part of the Gazi Evrenos vakIJ, is probably due to the very early date of the organisation of this special auxiliary force.

Dennis noticed that Chalkokondylas "makes no mention of a siege but rather gives the impression that the mere approach of Khairaddin's army sufficed to bring about the surrender of the city". This makes the exemption of the korucryan villages from the taxes mentioned one of the earliest ones. For the policy of direct control over the vassal countries and the unification of various parts of he Ottoman state by Bayezid I, see H.

Such an action would mean an intrusion into the rights of self-government of the vakif, rights which were kept intact until the end of its existence in the 20th century. An act of this type would mean exemption from taxes which the vakIf collected for itself, in return for services to the state. That the horses and camels destined for the gazis would become the property of the state later, when the gazi forces ceased to function as before, seems quite obvious'. Balkan countries belonged then to Byzantine, Serbian and Bulgarian lords, who had accepted Ottoman suzerainty and were vassals of the Ottoman bey since ,31 after the battle of C;irmen.

The fact that according to the shari 'a those countries were part of the dar al-ahd did not mean much to the gazis and their lords, who were acting quite independently of the forces of the Ottoman government,32 at that time influenced greatly by the ulema, persons opposed to the gazi traditions and perhaps despised by those wild warriors. When those areas were absorbed by the Ottoman state during the time of Bayezid I, as happened with Thessaloniki in , or after the reunification of the Ottoman state following the Interregnum, the Ottoman administration continued an institution, which had already been in force for several decades.

This is what Bartholomaeus de Jano implies in his Epistola de Crudelitate Epistolario di Coluccio di Salutati, ed. Ill, Roma p. Zachariadou has drawn my attention to it. Georgius de Hungaria writes in his Tractatus de moribus, condicionibus et nequicia Turcorum that during his captivity between the years and "the children were levied from Christians who were free of dues to other lords and rendered services to the Sultan himself',34 we should conclude that those "other lords, who were already levying the pencikfrom their tenants" could not be other than the ur-beyis, who also inhabited "omnem terram sui dominii".

It seems that the Ottoman Sultan merely imitated the ur-beyis, collecting children for his own service from areas which did not constitute part of the personal domain of the gazi-lords, like the vakif of Gazi Evrenos. The Venetian notary in Candia, Francesco Avonal, writes in his report to Venice dated 3 March that Hemanuel Calogeniti, a Greek from Ainos, had been in the middle November of the previous year "in partibus Thessalonicensibus, et vidit gentes Turchorum qui revertebantur de partibus Ungariae ad quas iverant pro depredando, a quibus Turchis audivit iste qualiter LXVI m Turchorum iverant ad partes Ungarie pro depredando, et derobaverant multas et innumeras gentes et cum depredatione praedicta redierunt ad partes Vlachiae superpositas Turcho, et ibi voluit capitaneus exercitus accipere pendameriam, scilicet de qvibuslibet quinque captivis unum secundum morem suum" G.

The akmclS gentes Turchorum from the area of Thessaloniki were describing their raid into Hungary and how their leader capitaneus exercitus wanted, while they were still in Wallachia, to levy the pencik pentameriam , according to his custom secundum morem suum. The attractive prospect of the ganimet, i. There is no doubt that this ghaza policy was the continuation of the Alperen tradition and it was a natural result of the Islamic concept of conquest of feth.

Ghaza was supported by Islamic principles and developed within Islamic concepts. The Ottoman principality adopted and practised Islamic principles of ghaza against the Dariilkiifr. Moreover, it is also known that the Ottoman principality tried to control and annex the Turcoman emirates bordering its territory.

But since a conflict between two ghazis was forbidden by the Kur' an, it was necessary to prepare legitimate grounds for the conquest of the neighbouring Turcoman emirates. How was this handled by the Ottomans? Did they have any misgivings about warring with the Turcoman emirates? In this paper, the Ottoman policy of conquest towards the Turcoman emirates of western Anatolia in general, and the phases of the annexation of the Sarukhan principality in particular, will be examined in the light of newly studied sources.

In Islamic law, with regard to Muslim states there was no question of international law except for the case of rebellion bagy. Perhaps for this reason, Islamic law attributed less importance to interna- 1. Darulislam-DarUlharb, Istanbul p. For the Islamic conception was that Muslim states shared the same objective, had the same law, and that relations among themselves were internal matters.

This internal question manifested itself in the case of rebellion. A country in rebellion was classifed by Muslim jurists as being in the Dariilbagy and was seen as being in contrast with the Dariiladl the country of peace or justice. This concept originated in interpretations of the Kur'an, although it is not directly mentioned in its verses. Obviously, the Dariilbagy concept was very important for preparing the legal ground for struggle between the Muslim states. This Islamic concept manifested itself in viewing the struggles among the Turcoman emirates as an impediment to the goal of carrying on ghaza against infidel states.

To begin with, this claim was also put forward very simply by the Ottomans and it was shaped by the old Oguz and Turkish suzerainty traditions. Within this framework, we can examine the Ottoman policy of conquest towards neighbouring emirates. Althought the earliest Ottoman chronicles are rather late and have de- ficiencies, through comparative study of these sources it is possible to reach certain conclusions. The chronicles present Ottoman ideology and, of course, the Ottoman point of view.

However, one should always be conscious of the fact that these sources were influenced by their own times. The Ottoman emirate, like the other Turcoman emirates of western Anatolia, was very familiar with the ideology of ghaza. During the years of its foundation, when the Ottomans were active on the Byzantine frontier, maritime principalities gained booty from the sea, while other emirates remained in the inner part of Anatolia. But this was a limited and difficult activity. The Ottomans, on the other hand, through their geographical location, were very well-placed for making ghaza, and their reputa,tion rapidly spread among the other Turcoman emirates.

HAUL, Istanbul p. In Ahmedl's work, which is considered the first Ottoman source that contains words in support of Ottoman ideology, their reputation in ghaza and their contribu- tions in spreading justice were highlighted. Ottomans followed a policy of protection against the pressures of the Germiyans and with effective propaganda had succeeded in promoting their notion of justice. After that they annexed the territories of Karasl, which were in the path of their conquests, one by one.. According to Ottoman sources, in this conquest, intervention in the struggle between the sons of the beg of Karasl, extending their protection to Karasl, leaving certain lands to them as miilks or timars and accepting KaraSl notables into the Ottoman military system played an important role.

They managed to annex part of the lands of Germiyan through marriage ties and the territories of Hamid through purchase. The main source of its wealth was booty. In fact, during the marriage feast of Bayezid I, display of valuable and rich wedding presents by one of the Ottoman Uf beg made good propaganda and demonstrated Ottoman economic power. The continuous development of the Ottoman principality as a centralized state, the establishment of a regular army and the spread of its reputation for ghaza caused anxiety to the Turcoman emirates and from time to time forced them to come together against the Ottomans.

While Murad I was going to fight against infidels in Rumelia, word was sent olit among the other principalities that they should take advantage of the situation and prepare to attack Bursa. Upon learning this, Murad I consulted with the ulema and asked them against whom they should fight first.

The ulema pointed out that fighting against the infidels wa,s jarZ-l kijaye, but to remove tyranny from the Muslims was jarZ-l ayn. This was the application of the DarUlbagy concept by one Islamic state to another. Similarly, it may be suggested that with the same idea and consideration the Turcoman principalities united among themselves to attack the Ottomans.

However, since we are mostly dependent on the Ottoman sources, we do not have enough of an idea of the views of the other side. In fact, Murad's words to the envoy of Karaman, saying that to make obstacles while he was busy day and night with holy war against the infidels was rebellion and malice "mani' -i gazaya gaza, gaza-Yl ekberdir"ll are a good example of Ottoman ideology and attitude.

Inalclk has pointed out, to make states into vassals was the first step in establishing Ottoman rule and it was a general characteristic of the Ottoman method of conquest. The Sarukhanogullan was one of the Turcoman emirates founded in the western frontier of Anatolia and derived its name from its founder. The identity of Sarukhan Bey, who siezed Manisa and founded the principality, is obscure. Kitab-i Cihan-niima Taeschner , v. BA, Tahrir Defteri, nr. Consequently these stories of his origins remain only suppositions.

Similarly, the early relations between the Sarukhanids and Ottomans are also obscure. But it can be said with certainty that the Sarukhanids allied with the Aydmogullan against the Ottomans. It is also known that they made an agreement with the Empress Anna against Cantacuzenus who was in league with the Ottomans. In fact, it has been stated that Ilyas, who replaced his father Sarukhan Bey, sent a force of 6, troops to the aid of the Empress. The reason probably was that they were not direct neighbours, since there were some other principalities between them.

Consequently, the Sarukhanids acted more freely and felt themselves more secure from Ottoman attack.

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However, the Ottoman emirate's gradual annexation of the Karasl Beyligi brought the Sarukhan Beyligi, which economically depended on maritime activities against the Christians, into direct proximity with the Ottomans. Two reasons, first, the common border between the two principalities, and secondly, the decrease in sea faring activities and the diminution in economic resources after the Latin occupation of Izmir Smyrna , meant that the Sarukhan Beyligi had to become friendly with the Ottomans and even during the reign of Murad I had to accept Ottoman superiority and so- vereignty.

Outwardly there was a friendship between the two Beyliks, but in reality, like the other Turcoman principalities, Sarukhan Beyligi became a compulsory vassal of the Ottomans. The Sarukhanogullan, like the other emirates, could not stand up to Ottoman demands. Ottoman influence was especially felt at the time of the Kosova war This constituted the first and the most important phase of the transition period of the Sarukhan Beyligi to Ottoman sovereignty.

Althought in this phase there was no direct domination, there was the recognition of suzerainty.

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On the other hand, during the period when Ottoman influence became manifest, there was disorder in the internal affairs of the Sarukhan Beyligi. ERZI, Ankara p. ASlrda Manisa Kazasl, Ankara p. Kitab-i Cihan-numa Taeschner , v. Moreover, we can assume that it was Orkhan who joined Timur. But Timur's invasion occurred during this period and for a while the Sarukhan begs re-established their rule over Manisa. In the latter's time, some notables of Sarukhan were exiled to Rumelia and thus the process of domination was completed.

It should be remembered, however, that most of these sources were written in the fifteenth century and in the context of the political conditions of that time: Later historians narrated these ideas within the more sophisticated Islamic concepts of their time. Moreover, it can be said that the Ottomans applied more or less the same methods of conquest to the Turcoman emirates as they did in Rumelia.

Suret-i Defter-i Sancak-I Arvanid, ed. Questo racconto prende le mosse dalle origini "oguze" della casa regnante. Rifarsi allora agli oguzi significava affermare una idea nazionale la quale affondava le proprie radici nel passato, ma era legata alla leggenda piuttosto che alla storia, in altre parole era un mito. Il tema, ampiamente dibattuto tra gli studiosi delle origini dello stato ottomano, tra i quali si ricordano in primo luogo M.

Fuad Kopriilti e P. Wittek, ha visto in questi ultimi anni un aumento di interesse da parte di ricercatori di diversa origine e formazione. Mentre taluni, quali B. Heywood, il quale ritiene storicamente e 1. Lindner, che evidenzia il carattere nomadico prevalente dello stato;4 C. Jennings, che sottopone a severa critica il carattere "gazI" dello stato ottomano sulla base dei dati presi in considerazione da Wittek stesso. Vedo sopra, nota n. Dastan ve Tevarfh-i Al-i Osman, in: Sul momento storico considerato vedo H. The Classical Age , London p.

Texte turc, Leiden p. Laformation de l'Empire ottoman, ed. Di questi usi oguzi parla ancora Yaz'ig'iogl'i, op. Racconti epico-cavallereschi dei Turchi Oguz tradotti e annotati con"'facsimile" del ms. Evidentemente si tratta di caratteri uigurici, come concordano tutti gli studiosi. Vedo per esempio J. Dopo Tamerlano si ebbe tra i turchi musulmani una ripresa dell'alfabeto uiguro.

Una genealogia che risale a Qay'i e a Gun Han appare invece in BayatI, un turco originario dell' Azerbaygan, il quale, intorno al , scrisse un Oguz-niime degli Ottomani. Egli non soltanto fornisce i nomi degli immaginari antenati di 'Osman, ma altrettanto immaginarie biografie di ciascuno di essi, inserendo li nel corso della storia musulmana. Dfvanii 'l-lugati 't-tiirk, ed. Fu certo allora che fu messa in circolazione la profezia attribuita ad un famoso personaggio oguzo, Dede Qorqud, secondo la quale il potere sarebbe un giorno pervenuto nelle mani dei discendenti di QayY.

Dede Korkut Kitabz, ed. I, lstanbul p. Secondo le cronache anonime e Orug, Siileyman Sah, della stirpe di Oguz, era un capo di nomadi, re di Mahan, nella Persia, da dove sarebbe fuggito a seguito dell'invasione dei Mongoli. Il suo arrivo in Asia Minore appare indipendente da quello dei Selgiuchidi che sarebbe avvenuto sotto il sultano 'Ala'uddln, il quale, lasciata la Persia dopo la conquista di Bagdad da parte dei Mongoli, sarebbe divenuto re del "paese di Riim".

I Selgiuchidi sarebbero venuti in Anatolia molto tempo dopo di lui, sotto 'Ala'uddln. Egli da una parte parla dell'insediamento a Ahlat in Armenia di un gruppo di oguzi dis- cendenti da Gok ijln al tempo di MaQ. Tevarih es-Seltitin el-osmaniye, ed. ORue Babinger , p. Sui Doger vedo F. Un indiretto appoggio riceve l'ipotesi di Wittek dalle parole di 'A. Wittek spiega anche il riferimento a Mahan, da situare nella regione di Marv, nel Khorasan. Ad esempio il famoso storico arabo magrebino Ibn ij: Ecco in traduzione il breve scarno testo sconosciuto a Hammer, Zinkeisen e Jorga che rappresenta il preludio della formazione dello stato ottomano: Allora aveva concluso pace con i tatari mongoli ; quando costoro seppero che egli si era rivolto contro gli infedeli, profittando del!

Il sultano rimase molto scosso da questa notizia; fu per lui necessario tornare. Historia turehesea , ed. URSU, Bucarest p. Allora molti uomini si unirono a Er Dogri"l: Questa leggenda si trova in BayatI, che pone il combattimento presso Sivas, con il motivo del macabro parasole;40 in NesrI, che dice di averlo ascoltato dal dotto Mevlana Ayas in base a una notizia risalente a un palafreniere di Or.

Kitab-i Cihan-niima Taeschner , p. La seconda ipotesi sarebbe suffragata dalla versione leggendaria che pone la venuta degli antenati degli Ottomani in Asia Minore posteriormente alla presa di Bagdad da parte dei Mongoli, nel , e dalla notizia di una prima dimora di Er TogrYl sul monte Qaraga. Alla leggenda di Er TogrYl appartengono fantastiche imprese navali, a lui ORUC Babinger , p. La notizia figura in tutte le fonti citate. A parte il fatto che le cronache, tranne pochi casi di nomi islamici, attribuiscono nomi turchi ai parenti e compagni di 'Osman Giindiiz, Turgut, Ayqut, Sa1t'iq, ecc.

Symbolae in honorem Z. Togan, Istanbul p. Sui Cavdar vedo F.

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Secondo il Kopriilii, peraltro sostenitore dell'importanza dell' elemento turco, questo nucleo si sarebbe dissolto proprio con la nascita dello stato. Particolare importanza ha il termine alp che accompagna il nome di vari compagni di 'Osman Turgut Alp, l: Iasan Alp, Ayqut Alp, Qonur Alp, Saltlq Alp 61 e che ci riporta non tanto alla tradizione mitica oguza, quanto a una associazione a sfondo militare cavalleresco esistente allora in Anatolia da riferire, a quanto sembra, proprio all'ambiente nomade. Vedo in proposito quanto riferiscono le fonti citate.

Questa cavalleria era allora certamente fonnata da nomadi e fu essa la principale artefice delle conquiste ottomane, con le sue incursioni e con il suo impiego tattico nelle battaglie. Infine rimane incerto quanto l'espansione ottomana sia espressione dell'istinto aggressivo del nomade e quanto invece dell'ideologia islamica della guerra: Sono le circostanze storiche e non la conversione che spiegano l'improvviso successo di 'Osman.

Sultano, figlio del sultano dei gazI, gazl figlio di gazl OrlJan figlio di 'Osman. Brusa'da en eski kitabe, TOEM29, Numerose schiere di Turchi sostennero la causa di Alessio Philanthropinos ribellatosi a Andronico II e debellato nel e milizie turche provenienti dall' Asia Minore fecero parte dell' esercito di Alessio II operante in Europa; non pochi akritai, scontenti dei Paleologi, entrarono nelle file turche.

Dietro la facciata della guerra santa se ne presentava un' altra, materiata di tolleranza, nei rapporti fra vincitori e vinti. JI, anche se all'occorrenza i suoi membri prendevano parte ad operazioni militari. Egli in qualche modo ha il compito di sacralizzare il regno di 'Osman. Er Togrll o lo stesso 'Osman sogna infatti che una luna sorge dal seno dello sceicco e si immerge nel suo e quindi dal suo ombelico spunta un albero che crescendo a dismisura ombreggia tutta la terra.

Lo sceicco gli spiega che la luna rappresenta la propria figlia Mal Ij: Grosmeister oder Mitglied des Achibundes? Pare che Mal ijatun non fosse figlia di Edebali. Iasan, figurano in 'Asiq- pasa-zade rispettivamente come fratello e nipote di Edebali e ambedue avrebbero partecipato all' assedio di Bursa.

In primo luogo ri- mane incerta la posizione dello stesso capo dello stato, 'Osman. Nelle fonti nessun titolo si accompagna al suo nome. Dall'atto del apprendiamo che egli era insi- gnito dell'epiteto Fabr ud-Din. Quale sua data di nascita, per quanto possano valere le indicazioni cronologiche delle fonti, compare l'anno o e come luogo Soglit.

Le discussioni che si sono fatte un tempo se vigesse presso di loro la primogenitura o il seniorato non hanno motivo di essere. Circa le conquiste verso sud non disponiamo di altre notizie che quelle assai vaghe e mal certe fornite dalle fonti ottomane, le quali suggeriscono la cronologia sopra prospettata, in quanto le collocano agli inizi del regno di 'Osman. Mete sarebbero stati tre posti di notevole importanza strategica: Dell' acquisto di Inonii da parte di 'Osman non esiste alcuna esplicita menzione nelle fonti.

I primi due autori, laddove Al: Asi'q-pasa-zade abbonda in particolari: Se si considera sospetta la sostituzione di Qaraga I: Asi'q-pasa- zade che indica quest'ultimo quale protagonista. Rimangono tuttavia senza ris- contro storico la presa si Eregli EracIaia di Licaonia?

Tutte le fonti concordano nel dire che Qaraga I: Gente dell'emirato dei Ghermiyan e di altri luoghi vi si sarebbe stabilita. Completamente all'oscuro siamo circa i particolari dell' acquisto di Eski Sehir, che potrebbe anche essere stato anteriore a quello di Qaraga I: Asi'q-pasa-zade ci dice dell'inimicizia con i Ghermiyan, potenti vicini in Frigia. Secondo Nesri, 'Osman avrebbe intrapreso, su richiesta di quest'ultimo, una spedizione contro il vicino Kopri l: Nei festeggiamenti questi si sarebbe fatto baciare la mano dai guerrieri di 'Osman che indignato avrebbe voluto punirlo.

Bilegtik, Aynegol, Kopri l: Le fonti bizantine indicano che nel il processo di espansione degli otto mani in Bitinia non era avviato, o era ancora agli inizi, fosse o meno ancora vivo Er Tognl. Non parlano infatti di loro, come sarebbe stato da attendersi se essi avessero rappresentato una parte notevole, nel riferire che in quell' anno Michele VIII intraprese un' azione militare contro i Turchi della regione a destra del basso Sangario i quali molestavano la Mesotinia, ossia la parte della Bitinia attigua a Constantinopoli e si spinse sino a Bursa e Lopadio per rafforzare i confini contro i Turchi della Misia.

Kitab-i Cihan-numa Taeschner , p. A ce propos v. A ce sujet v. The modern tendency has been to accept all this material as being in essence, if not in detail, true. The plain fact is, however, that almost none of the material in these texts is even remotely historical, and that to discover this, one usually has to look no further than the texts themselves. This is the story of how the Prophet appeared to Mihal -not yet Kose Mihal- in a dream and directed him to join Osman. The passage is also an interpolation unskilfully inserted into the redactor's base-text.

This passage is discussed in V. For a discussion of another legend where this motif appears, see P. It is only after the fall of Bilecik, long after he had become Osman's companion, that K6se Mihal converts to Islam after the Prophet had appeared to him in a dream. Up to this point he remains a Christian. In fact, to explain the presence of K6se Mihal. His History must have taken shape when he was in Rumelia, largely, one may assume, as entertainment for his akmCl. This is easily explicable, since an early sixteenth-century cadastral register of the district shows that a member of he Mihaloglu family, Mihaloglu Ali d.

Again, this is quite 4. LI, nos , These chronicles, however, name the "son" not as Alaeddin Pasha, but as Ali Pasha, and tell two stories about him. The first of these is that he renounced the rulership in favour of his brother Orhan, and the second is that he advised his brother to dress his troops in red hats bark , while dressing his own slaves in white ones. Modern historians have tended to accept this tale as a genuine historical episode, which it clearly is not. In the first place it is blindingly obvious that the tale relates not to the origin of the yayas, but to the origins of the azabs and the Janissaries who, in the fifteenth century, wore respectively red and white hats.

Furthermore, the description in the texts of the troops in white as "slaves attached to" Orhan makes it obvious that the reference is to the J anissaries. The yayas were not slaves, whereas the Janissaries were. If further proof is needed, the Anonymous Chronicle text published by Ertaylan concludes the description of the troops in white hats with the incomplete phrase "became Janissaries". The same text attributes the origins of the yayas not to Orhan but to Ylldlnm Bayezid.

The second indication that this passage is an interpolation occurs earlier in the texts, in an episode where Osman distributes lands to his son Orhan and to his other relatives and followers. However, because this redactor later inserted a story about Ali Pasha, he had to explain why he received no lands, and so added the explanatory sentence: He did not let him leave his side". A clue to the source of the Ali Pasha stories comes not from a Turkish source, but from the Egyptian chronicle of Ibn Hajar al-Askalani d. Under the heading of Necrologies for the year , Ibn Hajar has inserted, as an anachronistic death notice for Murad I, a list of Ottoman rulers, together with a few brief sentences on the origins of the Ottomans and on the virtues of each 8.

Furthermore, since most of the material in it reflects themes familiar from the "canonical" Turkish chronicles, one may assume that it is in essence an Arabic abridgement of a Turkish chronicle composed after the death of Murad I in and probably before In one respect, however, it departs from the familiar tradition, and this is in the succession of Ottoman rulers. The redactor clearly had two sources, one giving the succession as Osman - Orhan, and the other giving it as Osman - Ardan Ali - Orhan. He clearly accepted the Osman - Orhan succession as historically accurate, but instead of eliminating the figure of Ardan AliiAli Pasha from his story, he harmonised the discrepancy between his sources by changing Ali from Orhan' s father to Orhan's brother.

It is clear that this second source also contained a story attributing to Ali the foundation of the azabs and the Janissaries, since the redactor has clumsily adapted this to his base-text by changing Janissaries to yayas. In short, the redactor created Orhan's "brother" Ali Pasha by a process of textual emendation. His motives in doing so were, however, as much ideological as literary.

In changing Ali Pasha from Orhan's father to Orhan's brother, he had to assume that when Orhan succeeded, Ali Pasha had voluntarily renounced his claim to the rulership. Having made this assumption, and having stated that Ali Pasha "became a dervish", the redactor concludes the tale with the words: The Ali Pasha story is, in fact, an expression of disgust at contemporary events. He concludes the story with an account of the origin of the term eniik yaya, used for a class of infantryman. The source of the change from Ali to Alaeddin Pasha is easy to identify. The Memoirs of Constantine Mihailovic who served the Sultan, probably as a Janissary between the ls and , contain a brief History of the Ottoman dynasty.

This "history" lists a Sultan called Alaeddin, between Osman and Orhan. Mihailovic attributes to this Sultan the foundation of an infantry corps called yeni kehaye, whom he dressed in white hats. In sum, therefore, the figure of Alaeddin Pasha arose from several apocryphal traditions of the early Sultans. Like Kose Mihal, he is entirely fictitious. So too are the other companions and followers of Osman Gazi.

The early Ottoman chronicles are typical of much pseudohistory in that they derive personal names from place names, and weave biographies around the characters thus created. This process is most evident in the passage, common to all the chronicles, where Osman distributes land to his followers. To the names of Hasan Alp and Turgut Alp, the texts add the comment: However, "Hasan" is too common an element in Turkish place-names in general to link it to a person.

Turgut and Turgudeli derive demonstrably from a pre- Ottoman name. The form in which this name appears in Ptolemy 2nd century is Dagouta,15 but more to the point is a reference in Constantine Porphyrogenitus d. The next step in the process was the emergence of Turgut Alp as the conqueror of this district. Geography, Book 5, Chapter 4, para. Konur, like Turgut and Hasan, is a common element in the topo- nyms of the region, and may possibly preserve the name of the former Byzantine ecclesiastical province, Honorias. Folk-etymology was also responsible for creating some of the "historical" events of Osman's reign.

This tale, evidently a reflection of a genuine Turkish tradition, makes Dinboz the first town which the Ottomans conquered. Spandounis explains that the name in Turkish means "change of Faith" din bozmak , and that the town's fall was therefore an omen of future Turkish conquests. In these texts, Osman fights a battle near Koyunhisar, in which his brother or in other recensions, nephew Giindiiz, is killed. Giindiiz, these texts relate, lies buried at a place called "Turk's grave". Once again a popular etymology of a toponym has associated a place -evidently a local shrine- with the grave of an Ottoman prince and created a battle scene in order to explain why the supposed prince should be buried in such an unlikely spot.

At whatever location, however, the battle derives from popular etymology rather than history. This small sampling of the personalities and events of Osman Gazi' s reign is enough to demonstrate that, as historical records, the early Ottoman chronicles are without value. However obvious this may be, it has not prevented historians in the twentieth century from using them as a basis for theories of Ottoman origins.

The main contestants are the "nomad" theory and the "gazi" theory. The first theory, in essence, accepts the story in the Turkish chronicles that Osman was the leader of a tribe. The second theory rejects this view and maintains that Osman was the leader of a gazi corporation", and that these "gazi" origins of the Another theory attempts to reconcile the two, by explaining how Osman and his followers made the transition from nomad to gazi. To these theories, one may add two more traditional stories of Ottoman origins which occur in "authentic" sources. The first appears in MihailoviC's Memoirs and in the Italian Historia Turchesca of ,21 both of which probably teflect traditions current among the kaplkulu troops, among whom Mihailovic and the informants for the Historia served.

This tradition makes Osman not a nomad but a peasant. The second appears first in Ibn Hajar who says of the Ottomans: Enveri in effect glosses Ibn Hajar's rather bald statement by telling a long story which makes the male ancestor of the dynasty a Companion of the Prophet and hence an Arab of the Hijaz. A more fruitful approach would be to identify each separate tradition concerning the origins of the Ottoman Empire and to establish why and, if possible, when and where it arose.

The tradition which makes Osman the leader of a nomadic tribe must, as Wittek convincingly showed, have arisen in conjunction with the fictional Ottoman genealogy which makes the dynasty descend in the senior line from Oguz Khan. Different versions of the genealogy emerged during the fifteenth century, but all make Osman, by virtue of descent, the leader of all the Oguz.