The Chosen One: Guardians of Mankind

In a joint statement, they said: Depending on which end of the political scale you are, First Man is either being wilfully interpreted as political when its stated agenda is the opposite, or it is another case of liberal Hollywood trolling conservatives, rewriting history and generally making America less great.

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If Chazelle had intended to go full liberal, he would surely have called the movie First Person, but the director may have had other reasons for ditching the flag-planting scene. A similar diversification has been going on with space movies. Incidentally, Eastwood was first in line to make First Man. He acquired the rights to the book in , before its publication.

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Hansen even engineered a meeting between Eastwood and a reluctant Armstrong. According to Hansen , they did not hit it off: Mindful of its global audience, Hollywood has been steadily de-Americanising space. When it comes to real-world politics, the US has always sent out a mixed message. That flag was always envisaged as being the stars and stripes — and it has always been a bit of both: That effort was to beat the Soviet Union at all costs.

The Chosen One - TV Tropes

The fact that the moon landings still represent the pinnacle of human, and American, accomplishment in space nearly 50 years later fits into the Trumpian narrative. He recognises that if anyone can Maga, it is Nasa. As part of his Space Policy Directive unveiled last December , Trump has pledged to return astronauts to the moon: Has the First Man furore ruined that?

Nobody could come out of the movie with the impression that any country other than the US won the race to the moon. Furthermore, the film as a whole is saturated in masculine, American ingenuity, courage and sentimentality. But it also reminds us that public support for the moon landings was far from unanimous at the time.

In an article published in the Dagens Nyheter newspaper, 18 women came forward to tell their stories.

The Chosen One

In graphic detail, they described instances of abuse and rape, and like Weinstein, Arnault was accused of exploiting his power to threaten and blackmail women. On Monday, he was convicted of one count of rape and sentenced to two years in prison. The other cases were dropped for lack of evidence or because they had exceeded the statute of limitations. Only four of the women who testified against him showed their faces. They were the ones who had rejected him outright when he had tried to grope them in bars and elsewhere.

Never before had I quite grasped the shame of being the victim as I did when reading this line, from one of the women who had been raped and did not show her face: I had known, for a long time, that blame is casually ascribed to women who are attacked. I had known this, in theory, as an abstraction. I wonder why MeToo had to happen for this to stop being an abstraction to me.

'If anyone can Maga, it is Nasa': how First Man's flag 'snub' made space political again

This story has, after all, been told a thousand times before. It was there, in large print, in the books I read throughout September.

She writes about an year-old girl who was raped by a group of boys and men in Texas, and the fact that the New York Times chose to headline their story Vicious Assault Shakes Texas Town — as if we should feel sorry for the town and the boys. A few weeks after the allegations against Weinstein began emerging, a liberal columnist in Sweden wrote that we need to distinguish between real victims and fake victims, claiming that, if all women were as thick-skinned as his year-old daughter, there would be no MeToo.

The problem, he wrote, was that too many women want to assume the role of victims. When she was 12, a boy she thought was her boyfriend started pressuring her to have sex. One day they were riding their bikes in the woods. The boy pushed her to the ground and took her clothes off.

She was raped by the group, who kept her there for hours. A few days after the liberal columnist said women should be more like his year-old daughter, hundreds of Swedish women, all actors, came together under the hashtag SilenceAction, publishing a long series of detailed accounts of brutal sexual assault. Here is one of the many testimonies. In a hotel, after a party, a woman is on her way into her room. A man — a world-famous actor — follows her. He pushes her to the floor and throws himself on top of her.

I wanted to ask the liberal columnist: Before MeToo, I had not really understood the connection between power and sexual abuse. I had seen it, of course. But again, only really in theory, as an abstraction. In Men Explain Things to Me, Solnit writes that she surprised herself once when she began an essay by recounting what was, ostensibly, a funny incident — a man refusing to be interrupted while explaining, in great detail, the content of a book she had actually authored.

That same essay ended in her writing about rape and murder. In the acerbic pages of Woman Hating, Dworkin writes that, as a woman, you have to ask yourself a number of pressing questions: How could the Inquisitors torture and burn women as witches? How could men idealise the bound feet of crippled women?

There were books on my list that were not quite as brutal; books less concerned with rape and sexual oppression than with the cultural pressure on women and how to be a woman. By , Sandberg, the chief operating officer at Facebook, was writing from a business perspective about the need for more women in leadership roles.

1. One Thing: How to Keep Your Faith in a World of Chaos.
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3. Requiem for Humanity (Last Days Book 1).
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7. Dakini Power: Twelve Extraordinary Women Shaping the Transmission of Tibetan Buddhism in the W est!

I nodded my way through these books, recalling the discussions that started at my university about a year ago when, emboldened by what seemed like a revolutionary moment, we discussed a range of radical ideas to facilitate the career possibilities for women, from offering significant research time to women to recruiting women to senior academic positions. One year later, these initiatives have boiled down to a not-so-radical mentoring programme. If these books were familiar, written from a predominantly white, privileged perspective, the next titles were not.

Davis begins Women , Race and Class by describing the life of the female slave. The black woman, like working-class women, worked until they could work no more. They could only dream of the life of the white housewives. As I finished the last book, I was thinking about all the men — and many women — who refuse to call themselves feminists.

The writer bell hooks says that whenever she introduces herself as a feminist, people respond that feminists are lesbians who hate men and want to make life miserable for white men.