Pearls of Passion: Bestraf mich! (German Edition)

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Amazon Advertising Find, attract, and engage customers. Amazon Drive Cloud storage from Amazon. Alexa Actionable Analytics for the Web. AmazonGlobal Ship Orders Internationally. In our view, these texts present the results of the natural development of the belief legends, at the same time testifying to the vitality of the genre itself. Many of the Lithuanian negative legends clearly gravitate towards didactical stories, anecdotes, and so on.

In some cases, the same event is told from different perspectives including both the haunted and the "ghost" , thus questioning the veracity of the belief itself. It deals with oral history from a folklorist's perspective and emphasizes the narrator's role in creating a story during performance. The knowledge of local history is a common resource for all members of the community, yet it is exploited differently. It can be either included in storytelling repertoire or left aside. The stories vary in length and plot; they contain different facts.

Past events are interpreted from diverse perspectives and receive competing evaluations when people try link their own lives to the history of the place. Some informants present their knowledge in a form of a legend, some remember and use only a local saying which is believed to be handed down from the mouths of the legendary first landowners. Ethnographic interviewing as part of research into Irish Neo-Paganism has resulted in a corpus of personal spiritual experience narratives.

This paper involves an examination of these narratives as a means of gaining insight into 'lived experience' of Neo-Paganism. During interviews, informants expressed subjective experiences or explained something by way of an example of some significant event that occurred. Many informants hold strong beliefs in magical or spiritual energies and analysis of their narratives reveal that, for some individuals, perception of reality may be guided by a magical worldview such that certain events may be interpreted as having mystical or supernatural foundations. It must be kept in mind that spiritual experience is quite difficult to express by verbal means.

However, the language of Neo-Paganism contains common motifs and shared significance and analysing the verbal narratives can give us some insight Neo-Pagan belief-systems. It must also be stated that spiritual life and the interpretation of it remains in the domain of individual experience and that the analysis of select extracts of personal spiritual experience narrative is an endeavour to provide an understanding of Neo-Pagan worldview and is not an attempt to either verify or repudiate the events under discussion.

In this paper I also explore psychologist Stanley Krippner's notion of "personal mythology" and how individuals map their inner world and make sense of personal life events and circumstances by recourse to personal myths. This paper deals with the identification of the style of oral magic tales through the process of narration in three Bosnian tales - a style that can be identified as compressed narration.

Two of the tales were recorded on tape in the s in Zepa near Rogatica; the third was dictated in the late 19 th or early 20 th century and apparently somewhat edited by the note-taker. The process of compressed narration in the story follows the rules of oral literature, relying on memory; memory retains that which is symbolic and significant, and as such is captured in the compressed version. Static images are remembered, and are transmissible because of their mythic content, in the shape of fantasies forming the fabric of the narrative. This is the precise subject of analysis in the selected examples.

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Mythic content derives from myths and, studies to date indicate, is expressed as images located in the mind of and interpreted by individuals. The structure of these three magic tales, determined by the poetics of orality, thus comprises predictable elements, which transmit in static images what is expected of them, in line with the norms of tradition. The magic of the narrator's words leads one into another world, an anti-universe.

The narrator, structurally imitating the hero's long quest, lives through the duration with him, finally to return where they belong. My purpose is to indicate differences and similarities in compression as a stylistic compositional constant of orality, both in the domain of oral tales in general and in the recitation of these three tales. My attention will focus on the relationship between the tales authentically recorded on tape and the tale edited in the late 19 th or early 20 th century.

The changing patterns of Indian proverbs are very much reflected in various literary creations, especially in modern Indian poetry. Indeed, it is mostly expressed in a style of poetic narration called ' Lokaabharan '. The central message of a proverb is often conveyed with a subtle touch of poetic imagination in a different linguistic device.

The changing pattern of the proverbs in relation to their language used and central message needs to be examined from the view-point of folk-narrative research. The present paper examines some major Indian proverbs used in modern Bengali poetry as expressed in a definite and creative style of ' Lokaabharan '.

It also compares and contrasts Indian proverbs and their poetic usages in modern poetry. It further highlights how and why folk-wisdom plays a central role in the creative imagination of a modern poet. Return migration and biographical methods, qualitative research, oral history, life stories, oral and written narratives, interdisciplinarity, positionality and ethics, critical ethnography and interpretative human geography. This paper will focus primarily on the epistemological-interdisciplinary perspectives, ethical considerations and methodological difficulties encountered during the fieldwork study for my PhD thesis.

The issues that emerged throughout the research design and implementation data collection and analysis will be addressed, assessed, analyzed and interpreted. I intend to draw on my own experiences in the field and reflect on the research process and outcome. In addition to offering some insight into the research process, the epistemologies and methodologies employed as well as the debates surrounding interdisciplinarity, I hope through these examples to engage the complexity of everyday life and to deconstruct meaning from that.

In highlighting those contexts of everyday life, we can draw means of utilizing prevailing paradigms as a means of understanding reality. Additionally, I will explore the 'insider'-'outsider' issue in social science research and the substance of methodological approaches that are collaborative and non-exploitative, those seeking to diminish unequal power relations between researchers and researched. Subsequently the paper will seek to address ethical questions and moral considerations in research and the politics of knowledge construction.

I hope to open up a dialogue between researchers and researched both about the challenges faced in interpreting the lives of others and about the responsibilities of the researcher in doing so. Primarily because the production of situated knowledge is shared knowledge, open to further critique and questioning. The use of biographical methods and life history in human geography and migration studies is a multi-faceted channel of challenging boundaries, redefining reflexivity and illuminating the interplay of structure and agency.

The cross-fertilization of such methods provides the necessary tools to focus on social and cultural transformations of both collectivities as well as individuals which are conceived as subjective meaning framed by historical, social, political and cultural factors. Thus, a multiplicity of boundary challenges emerges: Cana of Galille, Israel. The goal of this presentation is to expound the concept of place-names as reflected in the tradition of the Galilee Arabs, in an attempt to deduce their spatial perceptions.

Researchers in the fields of Geography Miller , Berleant-Shiler , anthropology and folklore Basso , Slyomovics have extolled the value of studying indigenous names and traditions. These researchers and others agree that this research method produces hypotheses in the field of toponomy the discipline of geographical names , sheds light on the meaning of the name and the way in which it was given, and exposes the spatial perceptions of the indigenous society.

Based on these approaches, it would be possible to assume that reading the folklore stories could lead to: Cultural interpretation of the names and the motives that have structured them. Knowledge about the manner and circumstances in which these names were given. Knowledge about the sense of territoriality. These assumptions will be examined through the meanings underlying the names of two villages as they emerge from four stories.

The method of analysis focuses on two levels: The spatial areas will be examined, based on Jason's typology However, beyond the taxonomy, I intend to discuss the inter-spatial relationships and their role at the narrative level. Space is also a cultural product Parmenter , Azariaho , and accordingly the structured and designed space, as reflected by names, will be examined. This discussion might lead to a suggestion favouring the spatial split in legend as a result of a cultural position, not only as a purely geographical aspect. The discussed names are supported, in part, with more than a story.

Presentation of the texts on a paradigmatic axis based on Jakobson allows us to see the "named" village as a place composed of a fabric of places, in which the establishment of each place imparts to the village a unique spatial-Semitic identity. In addition, I intend to discuss the literary characters appearing in the name formation, their types similar to Noy's method with Jewish legends, , and their characterization according to Rimmon-Kenan This communication proceeds from my experience as auditor of the folktales in narration events, occasions when oral stories of reciprocate property and strong animical and social cohesion are practiced.

In these narrative sessions, I have distinguished eight classes of folktales: The wonderfulness is known by their tellers as magic, performing to adventure and even lies. It can be said that in all these classes there is a major or minor grade of wonderfulness, understood as a condition that allows to evade and obtain an effect of fascination. Together with wonderfulness, there are two other factors in all the classes: These constitute three instruments for researching in folktales.

The first is mainly qualitative, showing general didactical and entertaining purposes in all the classes; on the other hand the particulars of satirical, ludic or religious character. The factor of narrativity is more quantitative than qualitative, concerned with the structure of the story development; it can exist in an upper, medium, or low grade.

Wonderfulness is likewise more quantitative than qualitative and can also answer to these three grades. It must be recognized that the class of the denominated wonderfulness tale is the most complex and rich in its fabulous quality with the participation of magic characters and objects that more intensively oppose fiction to verisimilitude. The wonderfulness, that culminates in this class, appears in all classes of tales of Stith Thompson Index. The folktales enter into other times, and other spaces, into the world of wonderfulness.

Without this step perhaps the folk narrative would not exist at least as we know it now, because the future of culture is still unpredictable. North-East India is comprised of such large varieties of human population that one just cannot help wondering at the structure of such a complex and diverse demography. From this point of view this area could be considered as an anthropological as well as cultural museum.

Pearls of Passion: Bestraf mich!

The most prominent feature of this museum is that it is a cultural repertoire of the Indo-Mongoloid stock. And it is in this tract of India that Indo-Mongoloid elements are present in their largest numbers. The ethnic variety of the area is most complex in India. There are over two hundred recorded tribes here, and its non-tribal population contains a rich variety of ethnic groups as well. The cultural landscape of North-East India is characterised by several ethnic groups whose social response, with varying degrees of differences emanates from an ethnic value system.

If the people of these diverse cultural and ethnic groups along with their festivals and rituals which they practiced are studied properly, one can easily realise their interpersonal relationships as well as their integral attitude. The North-East culture has been found to be varied in nature and broad in perspectives.

Different ethnic groups lead different ways of life, while keeping their own identity. Assam is the central part of the NE India and the inhabitants of the area have been formed by the variety of tribes. These tribal groups have their own ethnic identity and different agricultural and religious festivals. It may be noted that though the diverse elements have been noticed among these festivals, common and integral characteristics played a dominant role in regard to the songs, dances and rituals. These festivals are considered national, and the songs and dances connected with these marked the harmony and integrity as well as it expressed emotional feelings, hopes and aspirations, love and affections.

On the other hand, socio-cultural and socio-economic aspects of those tribal societies have been reflected very nicely through their festivals. The presentation intends to investigate mobile communication as a medium of conveying folklore texts, as well as the folklore-like features of the messages SMS sent via mobile communication.

Mobile phones in Hungary emerged in the s, at first as symbols of prestige; later they have become widespread practical mass products. Short message sending service belongs to secondary or electronic literacy, which in contemporary practice of communication is almost as popular as e-mail correspondence.

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In Hungarian practice three levels of SMS can be distinguished: The preliminary issues and problems of a related textual analysis from a folkloristic aspect are as follows: What well-known folklore genres emerge in SMS texts? What is the relationship of these genres to traditional folklore genres? What sort of changes do traditional genres undergo when emerging in this new form and medium?

Are there any new genres, and in case of an affirmative answer, in what respect do these genres differ from traditional ones? The corpus of texts on which the research project is based consists of three types of text collections. The first collection is made up of actually sent messages. In the past four years I have recorded more than one hundred folklore-like SMS texts. The second collection is constituted of such handwritten collections of SMS texts that Hungarian pupils of secondary schools use as diaries or keepsake albums.

The third part of the corpus was collected among pupils of secondary schools in the framework of a sociological research, which eventually provided almost two hundred folklore-like SMS texts. As the analysis has pointed out, in practice SMS does not signify one genre, since the practically used SMS corpus is constituted by heterogeneous texts, among which folklore-like and non-folklore texts can also be found.

Some of the SMS texts can be assigned to the traditional types of folklore genres e. Folk literature is different from written literature, for written literature is a kind of art of written language. Folk literature is a kind of living literature with the character of being stereoscopic. The stereoscopic character of folk literature is represented in four aspects: Folk literature is a kind of performance. While telling stories, the narrators' facial expressions, body movements and hand gestures are also part of the story-telling.

The music of folk songs, the body movements of games, the rituals of ceremonies are also very important. Thus we should concentrate not only on the texts, but also on the performance. Folk literature is a kind of practical art. It has many social functions. While collecting texts, we should also pay attention to their social functions. One of the characters of folk literature is that it has variants. We should collect all the variants of a text, and then we can study it as a whole. We should also pay attention to the aesthetics of folk literature.

One of the main characters of folk literature is its aesthetics. In research into popular beliefs that have benefited from folkloristic materials, the memorate has been considered to be of particular value in getting a grip on the "living core" of popular religion. My argument, however, is that the purpose of telling about one's own or other people's supernatural experiences is not always to prove the real existence of the supernatural world.

There may be several functions in the community for relating stories genre-analytically defined as memorates. Supernatural experiences can be narrated purely for the sake of passing the time, or from a pedagogical or strictly humorous point of view. Memorates can also be used as a means of testing the listener's gullibility, commenting on social relations, or displaying the narrator's creative skills in traditional storytelling. This fact does not exclude the possibility of firm belief in the supernatural.

Yet, in many cases there is a quite clear contradiction between the form of the narratives, on the one hand, and the functions and uses of them, on the other hand. Skilful narrators may creatively mix up traditional narrative motifs and motifs invented by themselves, report true as well as made-up events, and quite freely expand the boundaries of the realistic world.

Thus, in narrating and listening to stories about encountering the supernatural, there is often an interplay going on between fact and fiction. Citizens of the former Soviet Union, although brought up in a totalitarian state, were not law-abiding by conviction. For Russians justice is more important than truth. The law is seen as an instrument, often immoral at that, used by the state against an individual. So juggling it was considered to be both moral and appropriate.

Ries, who studied contemporary Russian speech genres, identifies a genre of male mischief stories. These can be divided into two groups: In our opinion mischief stories are popular among males and females alike, though dominant themes differ in their narratives: In addition, both sexes excel in telling stories about outwitting "the system" and circumventing the law. Immigration produced new types of mischief stories, first of all about faking documents, deceiving customs and emigrating without obtaining close relatives' consent.

Thus in our sample mischief stories are of the trickster type. The change of the country has not led to a change of strategies. Stories about white collar crimes remain popular and have entered the repertoire of immigrants' folklore.

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The material of this presentation has been drawn from face-to-face interviews with immigrants to Israel from the countries of the former Soviet Union. Karelia has always been a place of utopias and dreams in Finland. The images that we have of this area tend to originate in national projects and Karelianism. Therefore the word Karelia without any further specification creates homogeneity. Karelia was divided between the two states, Finland and the Soviet Union since Finland gained independence in The Karelian Isthmus belonged to Finland until After World War II a total of , evacuees, , of whom were Karelians, were resettled in different parts of Finland.

In the presentation the researcher notes that there is a need for a critical analysis within comparative religion and cultural studies in general, because Karelianism has left a permanent mark in the collections of Finnish folklore archives and in research on Karelia. We are currently living in a kind of revival of Karelianism, and, in addition to this, the images and memories of Karelia have undergone constant change in the course of the past 80 years. The project concentrates particularly on those memories that evacuees who have come from the Karelian Isthmus possess.

The aim of my presentation in Tartu is to find, construct and analyse the different ways in which the past is remembered and ritualised, the experiences of different generations of Karelia, and the phenomenon of "new Karelianism". Karelia is not just an abstraction but a place of memories and utopias for Karelian evacuees.

Their utopias are different from those of supporters of Karelianism because of their misery and dreams about going back to a home that exists only in their memories. Karelia is also a meaningful place for the construction of identity within different generations. It is a place where Karelian refugees and their children and children's children as well as the cohabitants in the new hometowns of the evacuees ritually visit again and again. If we take a close look at representations of the male body in popular culture since the s, the famous phrase by John Berger "Men look at women, and women watch themselves being looked at" doesn't seem quite right anymore.

For not only in the visual media, but also in popular literature, male bodies are presented in increasingly eroticised ways, which extend them to female gaze and female desire. This shift, this "disruption of conventional patterns of looking," as Rosalind Gill puts it, and the representation of maleness in popular culture and everyday life in general, has attracted much scholarly attention in the last years. While comics, magazines, films, adverts, romances etc.

How does the move from a Diaspora community to Israel influence the status of women? Does religious attachment to the ancestral homeland enhance or weaken their standing? I shall touch upon these questions by referring to the condition of Jewish women in various communities outside of Israel, while focusing on that of women in the Jewish community of Zakho, Kurdistan. Most of the information has been gleaned from personal narratives.

The community of Zakho served as a spiritual and religious centre for Jewish communities in the northern mountain region of Kurdistan. Observance of tradition was characteristic of the lifestyle of the community, which underwent very few changes. The family structure was patriarchal, with the entire extended family living under the same roof, whereas the women were housekeepers and responsible for the education of the girls and the male children until a certain age. Changes in the status of women came about when they fully identified with collective communal values, such as religious attachment to Eretz Israel, in general, and to Jerusalem, in particular.

Such values were particularly characteristic of male society and the religious leadership of the community, and were acquired through prayer and the study of homiletic interpretations of the Bible. Zakho's Jewish women, who were not present during the prayers, absorbed these values in a roundabout way. In certain cases they even took the lead in their realization, perhaps as a means of self-expression or out of a covert hope to better their condition.

Examples of such changes in the status of women in Zakho can be found in stories of pilgrimages to holy sites in Kurdistan, which served as a substitute for Eretz Israel. The women played leading roles in these pilgrimages, at times forcing their participation upon the menfolk. Feminine leadership in Zakho is also reflected as they took care of the funds collected in charity boxes; They influenced the decision to emigrate to Eretz Israel and there were those who took matters in hand and solved problems when convoys of immigrants ran into difficulties on the way.

Personal narratives of the absorption of Kurdistani immigrants in Israel, after the establishment of the state in , bring to light stories of women who fought for the right to advance themselves by means of education. Thus, the change in status of Kurdistani Jewish women began prior to their immigration to Eretz Israel, while in the State of Israel they gradually consolidated their status on an equal standing with men.

Demonological legends are one of Ukrainian folklore's most common and ancient prosaic genres. Today, this tradition is as alive and active as a century ago. Our research in the village Ploske in Chernihivshyna, for example, showed that more demonological plots are involved in oral transmission today than a century ago in the same village. Active bearers of this tradition are present in both traditional agricultural communities and contemporary urban communities.

At the same time, this is a genre which Ukrainian folklorists have not analyzed deeply enough. First epic genres and then tales took attention away from demonological legends, over the last years. But regardless of this relative lack of research, demonological legends endured and have been inherited by the newest generation, our contemporaries. As a result, we have in our hands unique material for comparative analyses of demonological narrative life over the last century.

In the contemporary world, even among the most educated and technically minded humans, the ancient beliefs in witches, witchcraft, ghosts, dead souls, sorcery, and their influence on human life are as important as they were in the lives of our ancestors. This is why demonological legends allow us not only to analyze the life of certain narrations but also to understand the traditional world view of their bearers.

Texts themselves become a bridge to the traditionally-oriented minds of the people who live in contemporary folk communities. The widespread of demonological beliefs among urbanized people tells us that, in contemporary Ukraine, the spiritual, cultural and economical connections between city and village are very tight, and that traditional agricultural life influences urban life more efficiently then urbanization influences traditional communities.

In Hungarian variants of some folk fairy tale types especially AaTh , , the operation of a peculiar dream narrative can be observed: The presentation intends to investigate these as-if emphatically fictional dream narratives and tries to answer a very simple question: According to my presumption these special dream narratives belong to the Proppian category of those auxiliary elements that link morphological functions, because their basic narrative role is to distribute information in the frame narrative, which information makes it possible for the characters to act.

As is well-known, distribution of information as an essential condition to induce action is of crucial importance in any narrative and especially in those classical narrative genres in which these two are very strongly interrelated, i. Since Vladimir Propp enlists several variants of the category of auxiliary elements linking functions e.

The central theme of the present conference is Narrative Theories and Modern Practices. One might say that one of the key developments in our approach to the narrative over the last one hundred years has been to move from the examination of a narrative as a series of written words printed on a page, isolated from their context like a stuffed exhibit in a museum.

Aside from the eternal questions of genre and type classification, most people nowadays see the folk narrative as a living social phenomenon, something with a historical and social context, that is both uttered and received, passed on and developed, as a series of images, symbols, sounds and textures. In short, the text has gained "thickness". It has begun to be seen as occupying a greater degree of "space" than it had in the time of the Grimms. In this lecture, I would like to examine a variety of different spatial aspects connected with different types of folk narrative, ranging from the way that a spoken narrative creates a marked-off area of space, to the way that the space surrounding this space affects the understanding of the narrative like the set of a play affects the understanding of the play itself ; and the way that the narrative adds temporal and geographical space to the lives of the listeners, at the same time temporarily transforming the immediate space in which they exist.

As has been argued by earlier scholars, there can even be a shamanistic healing element within the performance of a narrative. In many ways, it might be argued that the often ignored spatial element of the spoken text is something that differentiates it radically from the photocopied or e-mailed text, or even the data-base entries that many of us are at present dealing with.

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These new forms would thus appear to call for very different approaches to those we have adopted in recent years. Matters, however, are beginning to change in Iceland. Over the last five years, we have been working on two large databases of printed and recorded legendary material, each containing over 10, entries.

The plan is that these databases will eventually be linked, and connected to a mapping programme allowing immediate distribution analysis. In this lecture, the situation in Iceland past and present will be analysed, and the draft form of the database of printed material Sagnagrunnur presented, along with a review of the possibilities that this will open up for scholars both in Iceland and abroad.

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At the same time as outlining the advantages of such an approach, some discussion will be made of the difficulties that such a database presents, and the potential weaknesses that need to be considered. The comparative analysis of Slavic formulas and narratives which interpret dark figures on the moon shows an opportunity of decomposition of the text on morphological various elements: In different traditions the same elements enter different combinations with each other, creating dialectal variants of the text and forming a semantic field of interpretation of lunar spots.

The analysis allows one to establish interrelations of elements, to show how the text is designed from them in different local traditions, to see the general "grammatic" structure of the mythological text, to reveal inclusion of some elements of the text in other semantic models. The life of every human being extends from birth to death. No-one can escape this fate even if death has often been said to have become subject to taboo in recent years, and marginalized in people's social lives and as a topic of conversation.



What happens if death occurs at some earlier phase of life than that more normally expected, and not at a far distant time in people's everyday lives? This will most often be a sudden and unexpected death.

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How do the deceased's nearest family, friends and acquaintances manage to cope with this? Can different forms of ritual help to mitigate the shock and ease the process of grief? These are questions that will be discussed in this essay, based on a number of cases in which death has occurred suddenly and, usually, without prior warning. The emphasis is on the present day, but the study also considers the question of variation over time as illustrated by conditions in the early s. How are new rituals created, and how are they spread, and what meaning do they have for those people thrust into difficult situations?

Ritual presupposes the performance of actions and that these actions are carried out in a public, social context. The fieldwork for this study was carried out in south-eastern Norway and western Sweden. Cardiff, Wales, United Kingdom. Since the days of the poets Aneirin and Taliesin in the 6 th century, few nations in Europe have accorded the poet greater status than Wales, and no meaningful statement can be made about the nature of Welsh identity without a proper understanding of the central role played by national and local poets. This paper concentrates mainly on the rich vein of informal, unofficial poetry, composed by numerous bards and rhymesters in Wales and inspired by everyday events and incidents.

The central questions considered are: Why do they continue to do so in the 21 st century? Why verse and not prose? Also, why many of these forms seem to be non-crystallized? Is it poetry or prose? What is the value of symbolism and images? Is the prose often poetry? What is the function of cante fable?

Whatever form used, is that form primarily a means to an end, that is, the use of the most appropriate form to communicate a message in the most effective manner at a certain place and moment in time? In an attempt to address these questions, reference is made to what I consider to be seven of the main characteristics of folk poetry. It is a social activity, especially reflective of small, closely-knit communities, and specific social groups, in both rural and urban areas, and relating to both adults and children alike.

It is an activity which belongs to all classes of people. It is a means of communication in all aspects of life and circumstances. The forms of folk poetry are very numerous and wide-ranging. They are non-static and adaptable, depending on context and function. Folk poetry, in essence, is oral poetry: It is power poetry and poetry of inspiration.

It is memorable and repeatable. Folk poetry is poetry in action. It visualizes the invisible; the abstract becomes concrete. It communicates a message in a direct and colourful manner. It is a drama and a performance, a story and anecdote in verse, with the emphasis on spontaneity, immediacy and creativity. Folk poetry is functional, applied poetry. It is poetry for everyday use. Those uses are innumerable and reflect the complexities of society and the human experience, past and present. The oral tradition of my family has preserved plenty of stories about fights, knifings and other crimes.

On one hand, he is presented as a vicious killer who was eager to fight, on the other, he was a loving and handsome as well as a musical man. Studying these quite different sources I concentrate on the question of how the picture of the man from South Ostrobothnia is presented: As the starting point for my study I use oral history theories which reflect the narrators' own views and interpretations of the past. It also shows the values, attitudes and social norms which exist in a community.

Detroit , Michigan , USA. This paper explores the framing, presentation, and textual constitution of folktales and fairy tales in popular print and electronic editions. The study proceeds from the premise that simultaneous changes occurring over the last three decades in fairy-tale scholarship, literary studies, and technology have generated notable changes in the production and reception of texts. In particular, a new understanding of the printed folktale's textual complexity and intertextuality emerged simultaneously with the phenomenon of hypertextuality.

Against this background, the paper examines selected texts representing children's picture books, trade-book anthologies, and collections on CD-ROM and the Internet. Ultimately I assess what these new editions mean for the contemporary reception of the folktale and fairy tale and the degree to which the production and re-production of texts in new media and in new formats represent actual innovation, especially in light of the democratization of fairy-tale studies, the popularization of scholarship, and Internet's challenge to traditional authority. Currently they are 1,, Their heritage, folklore, culture and civilization have never been researched or studied as they should be.

In the s, the Ministry of Education and Culture, accepted our request to compose a curriculum for teaching Palestinian heritage in Palestinian schools in Israel. I was asked to prepare a draft for this curriculum. This draft considered the heritage, folklore and civilization of the Palestinians in Israel as an integral part of the Palestinian heritage, and at the same time an integral part of the Israeli heritage, and that both these basic connections should be emphasized.

The main goals of this curriculum were to enable the Palestinian pupils in Israel to get acquainted with their heritage, at least as well as they know the Israeli Jewish heritage, and to emphasize the humane aspects of the Palestinian heritage, stressing the common attributes between the Palestinian and Israeli heritage. The curriculum also strives to stress the common ground that can be found in the heritage of other nations.

There is also a clear aim to enhance coexistence between the two nations living in Israel and in Palestine and throughout the entire Middle East, and to serve as an example of tolerance to all the nations and countries in the world. The curriculum includes the major definitions of heritage, folklore, culture and civilization, their main attributes, their development, and their interrelations with the heritage of other nations. This draft was discussed in dozens of meetings by a committee of experts appointed by the Ministry of Education and Culture whose members were of the best educational and academic minds of the country.

This committee recommended doing the utmost in turning this curriculum into educational material books, multimedia, etc. Funds and teaching hours were to be made available so that this program could be implemented immediately for teaching heritage for the Palestinian pupils in Israel. The complete curriculum and the appropriate recommendations were handed in to the Ministry of Education and Culture in To date there has been no final approval by the ministry and consequently no implementation of the curriculum, and committee's recommendations.

In , UNESCO's member states adopted a new instrument - the Convention for the Safeguarding of the Intangible Cultural Heritage - that extends the scope of international heritage policy from immovable objects to the realm of the "intangible": The convention aims to assure the transmission and reproduction of traditional practices. In this paper, I argue that the concept of intangible cultural heritage is in this sense a tool of intervention - a normative rather than descriptive concept. The objectives of intangible heritage policy comprise the structuring of communities and the orchestration of differences within and across states.

Drawing on Foucault-inspired theories of governmentality, I contend that intangible heritage permits a re-location of culture in communities and of communities in a multicultural matrix of organized diversity. According to the convention, intangible cultural heritage is appointed and interpreted in part by or in consultation with the practicing communities to whom it is attributed and whose identities are intertwined in its representation. By enfranchising communities, it attempts to fix particular sets of relations as relatively stable units that speak with one voice. Thus, the concept of intangible heritage of fers tools and techniques to subnational and transnational communities to organize themselves as spaces of identification.

In societies increasingly characterized by cultural differences - diaspora, indigeneity, localisms, etc. If intangible heritage invests capacities in cultural communities, I suggest that this is best understood in the context of the increasing communalization of government.

The convention, in fact, contributes to the organization of communities as self-governing and semi-autonomous social units with a strong but not exclusive claim to allegiance from community members, giving each community a voice within the orchestrated polyphony of a pluralistic society. The topic of my paper is the stories that the Soviet settlers of the former Finnish Karelia, ceded to the Soviet Union in World War II, tell about the places they have created on the empty territory which they occupied in , initially sometimes even as early as Peculiar to the area and the telling related to the places is the lack of the distant past - Soviet people settled there half a century ago, without any knowledge of the area in advance.

New settlers had to start the construction of the places as accumulations of life experiences and tradition connected with them from zero. Main topography and place names were initially acquired from the Finns, but the inhabitants soon developed their own additional toponyms. There were both in the Ladoga Karelia and on the Karelian isthmus two separate toponymic systems in use, one Soviet Russian, the other Finnish.

Narration about the places usually seems not to have established forms and contents. One reason for this is the relatively short period of time for the formation of narratives; another is rapid changes in the development of patterns of dwelling: Finnish Lutheran churches are the only places of tradition-attraction. Another topic, attached to the so-called khutor houses but usually not in any concrete place, are stories about encounters of the dwellers with the former Finnish inhabitants of the house, told in the Ladoga Karelia.

Said, Orientalism , p. In this brief paper my endeavour is to focus on the status of discourse - both oral and written - in India. The paper argues against the strict confinement of discourse in verbal behaviour. The real picture of discourse in India emerges only when its complex dimensions are captured holistically in both the verbal and non-verbal behaviour of Indian society. In other words I argue that folklore be viewed as discourse - the real discourse.

It hardly needs to be emphasized that folklore theory has remained chained in formalism and formalistic methodology for more than a century that might have defeated the very purpose tradition studies stood far. The paper will attempt to put this argument to test in the existing conditions of discourse in India, more importantly the discourse associated with historical space. The traditional paradigm of historical discourse I prefer to call it palace paradigm and the weaknesses of this paradigm which include the issues of representation, ideology and the blurred status of the historical discourse seem to be the source of most of the formal discourse in India.

This hegemonic paradigm in both its dimensions - diachronic and synchronic - has not only misled generations, but has also obscured the story, the real story, of mankind and to a great extent perpetuated the dangerous ideology of power politics the paradigm is raised on. The discovery of the writing systems might have helped mankind in many ways, but it certainly has harmed mankind in many other ways. Historical discourse has completely depended upon the written metaphor and as such has added to the idiosyncratic expressions of the writing system.

That is why the paradigms of writing history and writing literature have not only coexisted, but have remained in free variation and more often than not interchangeable. One could also add the dimensions of distance both in time and space that written systems create between the speaker - subject and the writer; between the historian and the human being. When studying the narrative construction of an experience, the narrative is seen as a method of restructuring the past, a process involving interpretations of events and meaning-making. The world that a narrator constructs is not a replica of pre-existing reality but a representation.

When people narrate experiences, they are conveying meanings, producing states of affairs and constructing subjects and identities. Thus storytelling plays an important role when validating experiences, and especially when validating competing experiences, such as supernatural experiences.

In this paper I study how Finnish people living in the 21 st century construct and interpret the supernatural experiences in personal experience narratives. The overall research material consists of over written responses to my inquiries regarding personal encounters with supernatural beings, such as angels, extraterrestrials, demons and ghosts. In my presentation I will concentrate on some ghost stories and examine what narrators tell about the encounters with the supernatural: What do they tell about themselves, the supernatural beings and other story characters?

How do they involve the recipient participation? What kinds of emotions are attached to the supernatural experiences? Focusing on the structural features of the stories, I will suggest that storytelling is the narrator's means to argue for the reality of the supernatural experiences. Cultural dynamics denotes here the means of cultural activities that enable reactions to new sociocultural processes and challenges.

The school of ethnopoetics has striven to illustrate culture-specific characteristics, taking into consideration the linguistic-poetic system and worldview of the peoples it studies and the interaction of form and meaning, or it has focused on the systems for transcribing recorded performances in order to bring out such meaningful "paralinguistic" features as pitch, quality of voice, loudness, or pause.



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Using this approach it has been possible to reconstruct and reinterpret features that are not visible in the materials of earlier researchers of indigenous cultures such as Franz Boas and Edward Sapir. Influenced by the "Ethnography of Speaking" school, these approaches have sought to establish an alternative to the stereotyped Western concepts of text and textualisation.

Rather than trying to reconstruct poetic systems, my aim is at creating a broader ethnopoetic theory, taking in not only the poetic traditional systems in their natural environments, but also the manifold processes of textualisation in literary cultures, including the use of traditional meanings in new, global settings. In this sense the elements of traditional texts are not static, but dynamic and processual.

When we study narratives in ancient texts, it is often hard to pinpoint exactly the subjectivity or subjectivities underlying the text, especially when the texts are canonical in the culture to which they belong. One interpretative strategy that has been applied is the use of the term "voice" as a supposedly distinct category independent of the authority of the dominant textual establishment national, religious or class.

Very often voice thus emerges in the textual analysis as a socially relatively unprivileged subjectivity, such as women, children, poor or uneducated people. But the voice may also be geared to retrieving the subject positions of individuals in textual corpora that are attributed to a collective authorship or editorship.

The paper critiques the former usage of the term "voice" by this author and others in the study of late antique Rabbinic texts in Hebrew and Aramaic, especially from a feminist theoretical perspective. It will be demonstrated through examples of textual analysis that whereas the attribution of voice may serve to reinforce subjectivity it may also completely erase it due to the metaphorical quality of the interpretative strategy. It starts with a long prologue, which unfolds on Nights in Bulaq edition , narrating the quest journey for the "Well-Constructed Tale and the Strange Discourse Unheard of Before" which turns out to be "The Tale of Sayf al-Muluk.

Sequentially this prologue leads to the "Tale of Sayf al-Muluk" but it can be read as an autonomous narrative. In the prologue, the "Beautiful Tale" is the object of desire and the feeling of a "lack" moves the events precisely to compensate for this lack. However, from the epistemic point of view and taking into consideration the narrative objective, the tale of the prologue narrates the very process of narration, its conditions, and its social status.

Thus, it is a narrative representation of story-telling and a testimony to the self-reflexivity of the Arabian Nights - its consciousness of itself as a collection of tales. From this perspective, the prologue does not simply introduce the "Tale of Sayf al-Muluk" but functions as a manifesto of story-telling and the social role and status of narratives. This prologue, then, draws attention to its novelty and specificity. The best example of this is to be found in the introductory prologue of Kalila wa-Dimna. This mode of induction has left its imprint on modern fiction even in the European tradition as we can see in the second part of Don Quixote.

This narrative prologue, thus, features a sophisticated fictional form which we can call the Manifesto-Tale. The memories of witnesses, survivors, or victims of war are commonly believed to be not only more authentic than other forms of knowledge, but also more reliable. However, memory is never only private and internal, but always draws on knowledge and information from the surrounding culture and is inserted into larger cultural narratives. If at times people lay claim to memories of what evidently never happened or to a version different from reality, this does not mean that these memories are to be rejected as false or invalid, but that different questions need to be asked.

Official history does not necessarily have to be in written form; instead it is the version which has achieved the most established position in society. Until the s, when a local amateur historian published the first-ever article on the subject, nearly all information concerning the Finnish Civil War in Sammatti - a small rural town of approx. For many locals the Civil War and especially its severe aftermath are considered the most significant historical event in the history of their home commune.

Though their history was mainly in oral form, in literate societies oral history is always influenced by written forms of discourse and public representations of history. In my paper I will examine how oral narratives are shaped into factual accounts and used in the constructing of the official version of the Finnish Civil War in Sammatti. I will show by means of rhetoric discourse analysis that this has as much to do with who is speaking than with what is actually being said.

In my paper I would like to touch upon some of the difficulties with making and using databases of folklore material. What are the problems you would come across, and how could you solve these? My point of departure will be my own research, where to get a better grasp of my material, I have created a database. This database is made for my own research purposes, but could also be used by other scholars for other aims.

I want to discuss how the making of the database with creating data entry forms will affect the material.