LArte della Guerra: 83 (Classici) (Italian Edition)

In fact, only eight ref- erences to hired soldiers appear in his entire corpus of writings. John criticizes indi- vidual mercenaries, but while he alludes to the excesses of hired soldiers he never formally denounces their use. If weaker men are enrolled, they must be given tasks of manual labor, including carrying burdens and physical work, and then be asked to eat small portions of food and to sleep outside. Hosler, John of Salisbury: Antecedents and Effects, ed.

Abulafia Aldershot Hale London On Fabrizio as representative of the dilemma presented by condotierri, see M. Mallett, Mercenaries and their Masters: Warfare in Renaissance Italy Barnsley The first of these is the notion of critical synthesis: Historians of strategy have considered this method unique because, unlike medieval authors who merely measured their age against the past often finding it lacking , Machiavelli was the first to posit the application of ancient insights in contemporary military issues.

He does so via the use of exempla, authoritative anecdotes from his- tory. He does not accept each exemplum uncritically but rather interrogates it, the key question being whether or not a particular method was successful. Thereafter, Machia- velli compares each exemplum to a contemporary action and assesses the role of cir- cumstance in their respective results.

If a tactic or strategy worked in both instances it could be put forward as a maxim. Fab- rizio explains how the Greeks, Romans, Swiss, and Germans armed their respective warriors. The Milanese army had more cavalry than infantry and so was defeated by a numerically smaller Swiss force; 25 Hosler, John of Salisbury n. In this way, Machiavelli can be understood as a problem-solver: He had had an important role in the military defense of Florence and held three government positions until Machiavelli was the first chancellor of the Nine, the secretary of the Ten, and also the head of the second chancery.

Exempla were his principal teaching tools in Policraticus, but while he respected the insight of their collective auctoritas he was not nearly as be- holden to it. He begins with the issue: In accordance with this opinion the Middle Ages only knew a pseudo-inductive, illustrative method of using exempla to prove and convince, not to obtain knowledge; medieval exempla are said to convey, elucidate and didactically strengthen a doctrine which is already known [emphasis mine] or even dogmatically fixed.

Reduced to a formula this concept says that the 30 Art of War n. Najemy Cam- bridge ; Y. For a more balanced view on his use of Roman models, as well as Florentine militia proposals before , see M. Von Moos asks whether John uses exempla simply to confirm already-solved problems and answers in the neg- ative: As Larry Scanlon has explained: The dependence of past exemplary acts, past facta, on the power of letters means not only that the present controls the past, but that one voice in the present can use that control against another.

Citing authority becomes a tactical as well as constitutive act: Like Machiavelli, John holds that contemporary commanders ought to apply the strictures of the past and even improve upon them in light of present circum- stances. And like Machiavelli, he is critical of those commanders who fail to do so. An exemplum is a lesson not for confirming a practice but rather a starting point for deri- vation and adaptation.

Moreover, John critically synthesizes contemporary actions with his exempla and opines about the efficacy of both ancient and medieval general- ship and tactics. Machiavelli also employs the exemplum of David. Scanlon, Narrative, Authority, and Power: Progressus ab usu ab arte perfectio, si tamen iugi exercitatione fuerit solidata. In English, see Machiavelli: Gilbert, Durham III.

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Accompanying this critique is analysis of the contemporary use of armor. John complains that English soldiers had been unable to defeat Welsh skirmishers who fre- quently attacked across the March. The reason was a lack of training with different types of armor, which had rendered the soldiers ineffective.

First, if their armor was too light they would not charge because they feared bodily harm. Second, if their ar- mor was too heavy they had no agility and could not charge. The result is that they refused to fight at all, preferring instead to be idle, but safe. These men had had proper training in such armor and so had courage. John concludes with the moral of the story: On the other hand, the warriors of the eleventh century had the proper training—as suggested by Vegetius—and therefore the confidence and valor that came from it.

John of Salisbury first examines older notions and then advocates for either the adoption or rejection of said methods for the circumstances of his own day. John strikes a similar tone in his discussion of soldierly attire. Generals lead by ex- ample, and those given to luxury weaken their army in turn. But today those who are garbed in soft clothing are in the houses of kings, nay even in the camp, and go forth to battle as though whitened for a wedding feast.

Vegetius, De re militari, 1. Epi- tome of Military Science, trans. Liverpool ; and Vegetius: Epitoma rei militari, ed.

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Reeve, Oxford Classical Texts Oxford Essays in Memory of C. Bachrach Woodbridge 79— HOSLER selves as protected by all the great privileges of ancient soldiery which they most imitate by being ignorant of the laws. And though they love their luxuries they are not valorous enough to fight for them; this is demonstrated in their inability to defeat Welsh invasions from Snowdonia. The lesson is to avoid the poor exam- ples of the past and prefer instead the positive ones: Porcius Cato, who preferred a shaggy toga to expensive garb and was thus a more effective general. John of Salisbury provides a slew of exempla but then sorts through and critiques them.

Those most suitable for the challenges of the day should be used as lessons; likewise, poor ancient practices still in use ought to be dis- carded. He used history as empirical data to argue for and against military proposi- tions, thereby presaging Machiavelli. Book fourteen of Il principe stresses the need for princes to experience war not only in action but also in books, particularly the ancient histories.

Magnis antiquae militiae priuilegiis se tuentur quam in eo imitantur plurimum quod iura ignorant. Brooke Oxford , letters 19 and On its military aspects, see J.

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Lucan, The Civil War, trans. He initially observes that princes are enjoined by scripture to learn the laws in Deuteronomy, but he then advises that they also study the liberal arts. Roman generals were literate at least in prosperous times but princes of his own day were often not. Thus his crowning pro- nouncement: And I do not know how it chances, but since the merit of letters has languished among princes, the strength of their military arm has become enfeebled and the princely power itself has been as it were cut off at the root. But no wonder, since without wisdom no government can be strong enough to endure or even to exist.

This is because study clarifies strategic thinking: Nec mirum, cum sine sapientia nullus stare aut esse ualeat principatus. Like Machiavelli, John suggests that recruitment methods of the ancients should be fol- lowed; afterward, John makes it clear that commanders of his own day have been too- negligent of this important element of military preparation. The subject of trainers and drill-masters is addressed only obliquely by Vegetius, who states that in past times a doctor armorum weapons in- structor was given double pay; the quality of the drill was improved by the an- tesignanus standard-bearer and special drills were taught partly by the campidoctor drill-master.

Instead, John draws his exempla from other authorities, such as the Strategemata of Sextus Julius Frontinus, as a basis for a maxim: To testing and forming and enhancing the latter quality, the labor and judgment of the leader should be directed. Augustus ordered recruits trained not only in a range of weapons but also swimming, running, and jumping, and Pompey vigorously exercised and made his soldiers do the same. Again, we find John of Salisbury presaging Machiavelli.

Generals and leaders are vital to the preparation, well-being, and success of an army. John learned this from his study of the famous generals of the past. In Policraticus, he draws on the lessons of a large array of examples: Standard-bearers also went by draconarii; one late imperial unit included two draconarii and only one campidoctor; see A. Jones, The Later Roman Empire, —, 2 vols. In qua exploranda formanda et pro- mouenda ducis uertitur tam opera quam iudicium.

Those who study war and know war will have success in war; consequently, they will experience political success as well. For all the arts that have been introduced into society for the common benefit of mankind, and all the ordinances that have been established to make them live in fear of God and in obedience to human laws, would be in vain and insignificant if they were not supported and defended by a military force; this force, when properly led and applied, will maintain those ordinances and keep up their authority, although they perhaps may not be perfect or flaw- less.

It does so by defending the state when necessary but also by deterrence, which is achieved by access to a ready army: It is composed of the head 68 See Hosler, John of Salisbury n. Gilbert New York letter See also on the linkage L. Vismara, "ll pensiero militare di Niccola Machia- velli. For the sake of the state, the head ruler must be preserved. Yet the armed hand only operates effectively when the army is constructed via proper selection and recruitment, application of military science, and training; moreover, the soldiers themselves must observe their military oaths, avoid luxury and idleness, and maintain faithfulness to God.

These muscles, or soldiers, will move valorously if provided with soldierly privileges and also sound wages. In other words, they require resources, which are provided by the state. The ruler marshals the resources of the state to build and maintain its military, which will protect him and thereby the government that provides its wages.

One cannot live without the other: If Machiavelli was less original a military writer than previously thought it does not immediately follow that he took inspiration from John. That Machiavelli was familiar with Policraticus at all has not been definitively proven. This is not to say that comparisons between John and Machiavelli have never been made, however.

His reading list has long been an area of debate, and Policraticus goes unmentioned in the major efforts. The tale is most cer- tainly apocryphal: In spite of this it is said that it was blessed Gregory who burned the library of profane writ- ings that there might be more ample room for the Holy Scriptures, and that their authority might be enhanced and their study more diligently pursued. Later versions had Gregory destroying that arena itself; Giovanni Boccaccio added an anti-Greek tone; and so on.

Berlin New York 27— 28; Q. Walker Reprint, London II. Dudden, Gregory the Great: New York I. Whoever reads of the modes taken by Saint Gregory and by the other heads of the Christian religion will see with how much obstinacy they persecuted all the ancient memories, burning the works of the poets and the historians, harming images, and spoiling every other thing that might convey some sign of antiquity. Surely he did not do so early on in his life.

Aron does not quote this essay in his Clausewitz of , but in his Memories p. Indeed, in December see La Vita Italiana Canevari polemicized against the attempt philosopher Julius Evola made to found the totalitarian state, mixing the Schmittian Begriff des Politischen and the total war Erich Ludendorff had theorized. Moreover the editors of Princeton Makers of Modern Strategy commissioned the chapter on Clausewitz to a true specialist, the German Jewish historian Hans Rothfels These seminal Clausewitzian studies were part of the Western intellectual mobilization against the Axis.

Croce, Riscontri tra l'arte della guerra e le arti belle nel Clausewitz, in Quaderni della "Critica", n. Reichswehrministeriums, Berlin, ; Karl fon Klauzevic: O ratu, Geca Kon, ; Yugoslav military publishing house, Princeton University Press, Bollati had experience translating, having already translated Hindenburg, von Bernardi and Falkenhayn, as well as many documents of the German State and Austrian War archives Paradoxically enough, there would be no written documents about the translation: Quite surprisingly, the Google-books list of the Clausewitzian works published in all languages during the Second World War does not include the Ufficio storico translation, perhaps because it did not circulate outside the Army Staff.

There are, however, two partial translations on the google list that were both published by Le Monnier in and Sansoni in They are only Italian editions of propagandistic pamphlets published in the Third Reich in the Google list they are eight, from 48 to pages in length, with titles as Brevier, Kathechismus, Grundgedanken and so on.

Italian contributions to the Clausewitz-Renaissance The political misfortune of Clausewitz reached bottom when Hitler named after him the desperate plan to defend Berlin. Werner Hahlweg was, with his critical edition and his short biography53, to restore him to the quietness of the military studies. Initially, however, approval of Vom Kriege was limited to German scholars, as is proven by its anthological application to the nuclear era written by Gerd Stamp, a former ace of the Luftwaffe who was working for NATO at the time.

Pensieri sulla guerra, Firenze, Sansoni, , pp. In these two auroral decades, when outside Germany only Peter Paret worked on Clausewitz in original way56, Piero Pieri was to popularize Vom Kriege once more in postwar Italy, beyond the circle of uniformed scholars.

His study on Italian military writers primarily regards the connection between war and politics, but in the chapter about Marselli the Clausewitzian epistemology of the military science is also discussed Furthermore, he summarized the pivotal ideas of Vom Kriege, in four pages , using them to criticize Blanch and De Cristoforis Beck, Munchen, , in "Der Staat", N. In the Sixties, Ernesto Ragionieri 61 and Clemente Ancona62 contributed to the studies on the Clausewitzian lectures of Marx and Lenin, and Filippo Gaja, director of Maquis, the only military periodical of the Italian Left, published an integral translation of the Lenin notes on Vom Kriege This first wave of the renewed attention to 60 On the point see Bassford, Cl.

Ruge, Politica e strategia. Pensiero politico e azione politica, Firenze, Sansoni, Clausewitz in postwar Italy culminated in with the paperback reprint by Mondadori, one of major Italian publishers , of the translation of Vom Kriege, thus guaranteeing for the first time its countrywide circulation A century after the French-Prussian War, which secured the fortune of Vom Kriege, a new Western defeat, that of the United States in Vietnam, ensured the definitive foundation of the Clausewitzian studies.

Just in the new English translation of Paret and Michael Howard, the two fundamental essays of Paret and Aron and a new essay of a student of Hahlweg71 were published. Looking with admiration to the East German military mass education, Colonel Rodolfo Guiscardo opened back to the nationalistic cult of Clausewitz That was part of a cultural process, which in the next decade lead to the birth of the Military Center for Strategic Studies 70 Clausewitz, Della guerra: Leben und Werk, Esslingen, Bechtle, Howard Clausewitz, Oxford U.

Guiscardo, Forze armate e democrazia: La guerra, Roma-Bari, Laterza, Martina, La guerra come oggetto scientifico: In Lt Colonel Ferruccio Botti, initially paired with Ilari, began his research for systematizing the Italian military literature Commenting on the Italian reception of Vom Kriege pp. In fact, while affirming the supremacy of politics, the Prussian General transplanted, for the first time, the theory of war from political theory to military literature. There were also some would be Clausewitzian guides for managers and traders General Jean smiled, the Italian Staff did not even noticed.

Wells, Ader e Douhet: Wagemann, "Ritorno a Clausewitz! Clausewitz riletto dal manager: A Clausewitzian renaissance occurred also in the field of the Italian philosophical and political studies. Note complementari al concetto di politico, Milano, Il Saggiatore, In , Adelphi published a new edition of the aforementioned translation by Antonio De Martinis , with a slight change to the title Teoria del partigiano. Integrazione al concetto di politico and with an essay of Franco Volpi , a prominent Italian student of Heidegger.

Filosofia come guerra, Torino, Bollati Boringhieri, La filosofia tra guerra e rivoluzione. Guerra e conflitto nella filosofia classica tedesca , Milano, Il Saggiatore, La Prussia e il problema nazionale tedesco prima del , Il Mulino, Bologna, , pp.

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Teorie della guerra , Pisa, ETS, According to her, the Clausewitzian political realism, insofar as it is based on structure rather than on experience, differs from neo-classic realism as exempled by Morgenthau and is more congruent with the neo-realism of Kenneth Waltz and the Rousseauvian internationalism.

Other Italian scholars discovered Vom Kriege through Aron While Italian philosophers massacred Vom Kriege, the and essays of Christopher Bassford and Olof Rose on its reception in English and in Russian inspired in Andrea Molinari, a candidate for the ephemeral Italian PhD in military history, to propose a research project on the Clausewitzian reception in Italy.

The PhD board formed by the Universities of Turin, Padua and Catholic , however, rejected the proposal by a majority, on the ground that it was not consistent with the Italian approach to military history. Le interpretazioni della Rivoluzione Francese, Torino, Einaudi, , pp. Mondadori of the Memoires of Aron , with a preface of Alberto Ronchey. Il Mulino, Bologna See Jean and Rusconi in A.

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