Entreprendre aux USA - Vol.1 - Les Pigeons sInterrogent (French Edition)

Obama sur la base de son profil psychologique durant la campagne de Le cycle de Modelski dure entre et ans et se divise en 4 phases de 25 ou 30 ans. Jerry Holbert pour le Boston Herald. Sa vision des R. Le poids des logiques partisanes dans le jugement du leadership de Barack Obama. W Bush et D. En somme, Si B. Mais les racines du mal sont, bien entendu, plus nombreuses et profondes.

De la part de B. Obama la laissa en suspens en Robert Ariail, The State, 24 octobre En connaissance de cause, B. Le pouvoir personnel de N. Washington continue de miser sur des recettes classiques au M. But what makes us exceptional is not our ability to flout international norms and the rule of law; it is our willingness to affirm them through our actions ]. Cette phrase renvoie au Nouveau Testament Actes Dix ans plus tard, dans son sermon, J.

Le sermon de J. Wilson fut le principal architecte. Seymour Martin Lipset , American Exceptionalism: A Double-Edged Sword , W. If war be right then Christianity is wrong, a falsehood, a lie. R butts, , p. Josiah Strong , Our Country: Us Department of State. La volte-face de B. La question est de savoir si B. Le subterfuge de B. Le Liban renoue avec la violence politique. Disponible sur le site du quotidien: So, though they doe my corps confine, Yet maugre hate my soul is free; And though immured, I can chirp and sing Disgrace to rebels, glory to my king. The song is Cavalier in subject, but the melody lacks grace, and the harmony seems flat.

L' Estrange does not possess the deft touch characteristic of the Caroline sons of Ben Jonson; and, more important, he does not recognize the mirthful dimension of the Cavalier devotion. The women in Lovelace's poetry inspire a love and honor either explicitly or implicitly synonymous with the King, and raising a cup to the monarch's health and being raised by the image of the beloved seem in the context of ''To Althea, From Prison" one. Where once the caged linnet sang the uplifting notes of royal music, the dominant song is now discordant.

For Conscience crowns the bowl. Their voices, however, sometimes strain with a new bravado: Clog me with Chains, your envies tire. For when I will, I can expire; And when the puling fit of Life is gone, The worst that cruel man can do, is done. No prison poems appear in the volume published two years after its author's death, and the Cavalier trinity is no longer upheld with confidence. The call for the camaraderie of loyal fellowship and brimming cups is also noticeably less apparent, and the wedding of "Mad Love with wilde Canary" follows a drunken harmony suited to a staggering world.

In the new era of "brave Oliver -Brutus,'' references to the old order are veiled, and a sense of enclosure is far more pervasive than the literal walls and bars of Lucasta. Flies caught in cobwebs, toads paralyzed by spiders, and falcons impaled by herons are emblems of a world in which all seem fated to consume or be consumed. The undaunted spirits who like the falcon or the rhinoceros triumphantly assert themselves in death offer an ennobling consolation, but the "Sage Snayl" that turns in upon itself is the "Wise Emblem of our Politick World.

The movement inward suits the times, for the decline and defeat of the King's cause had dated the resolve of the song to Althea. At some moment in the s, before the image of Cavalier superiority dissolved in the inevitable loss, Lovelace captured the mirthful spirit of a less restrictive stoicism buoyed by the love, friendship, and loyalties of the Caroline world. But when the optimism of the Royalists waned, the realities of imprisonment remained, and the prison poem synonymous with Lovelace's Cavalier life and spirit seemed a quixotic ideal. In the earlier war- torn England, Lovelace shared the heightened awareness of space and time that force prisoner and poet alike to confront the meaning of liberty.

Forthrightly proclaimed, his transcendent values convey the resonance of the past and the conviction of the moment with a deceptive simplicity that invites yet resists the jaded response: Let Stoics boast of a contented mind, The joy and pleasure of a life confin'd, That in imprisonment the soul is free — Grant me, ye gods, but ease and liberty.

Etheridge Knight New York: Pathfinder Press, , p. Neither the conventions nor the development of seventeenth-century prison literature has been studied. Numerous writers have, of course, responded to imprisonment, and lists of these authors as well as some critical commentary can be found in a range of works: Button, ; H.

Oxford University Press, ; In Prison, ed. Contemporary African Prison Poetry," Ariel 13 Philip Bliss London, , 3: Oxford University Press, , p.

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Twayne Publishers, , pp. Recent scholarship has focused on the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, and com- parable attention has not been given to either the sixteenth or seventeenth centuries. Although they concentrate on the earlier centuries, two other studies are relevant: Pugh, Imprisonment in Medieval England Cambridge: Collected by George Thomason, , ed. William Clowes and Sons, In Discipline and Punish: The Birth of the Prison, trans. Alan Sheridan New York: Pantheon Books, , Michel Foucault concludes, "In short, penal imprisonment, from the beginning of the nineteenth century, covered both the deprivation of liberty and the technical transformation of individuals" p.

Alexander Harris, The Oeconomy of the Fleete, ed. Nichols and Sons, , inserted between pp. Lilburne, The Oppressed Mans Oppression offers a good summary of fees. James Ballantyne and Co. John Lilburne, A true relation of the materiall passages of Lieut. Wood, Athenae Oxonienses, 3: The humble Remonstrance and Complaint of Many thousands of poore distressed Prisoners London, , p.

Simms, , p. Boethius, The Consolation of Philosophy, trans. Bobbs- Merrill, , p. Rudolf Kirk New Brunswick, N. Rutgers University Press, , p. Harvard University Press, , 1: Thomas More develops the standard Christian view of the world as a prison in A Dialogue of Comfort Against tribulation. Part Three, Chapters Lovelace, of course, would not have been familiar with the later Interregnum pieces that are more zealously fervent than the prison mediations of William Prynne and George Wither.

Still others earlier embraced imprisonment and execution eager to give testimony to their religious conviction and certain of their spiritual freedom. None is as extreme as the Catholic in "Calvary mount is my delight," a ballad that ends with the speaker's eager anticipation of the hanging, drawing, and quartering that await him; but all anticipate freedom from the bonds, fetters, and chains of life and sin.

See Old English Ballads, , ed. Harvard University Press, , pp. Wilkinson transcribes these manuscripts in his edition The Poems of Richard Lovelace ; rpt. Clarendon Press, , ; he also mentions another manuscript "with peculiar but unimportant variations" p. Wilkinson's edition will be cited in the text. William Chappell, printed for the Ballad Society London: Stephen Austin and Sons, , 3: The dating of this ballad is uncertain, and the editor's belief that the poem alludes to a line from a Restoration play is questionable. The British Library catalogue suggests that the poem may have been published around The Wyatt piece in TotteV s Miscellany entitled "The lover describeth his restless state," for example, appears to a modern editor to be about the poet's imprisonment in Similarly Raleigh's "My body in the walls captived" has been read as a reflection of his incarceration in the Tower; and a poem like Arthur Gorges' "The Prisone sweet that Captyve holdes my minde" challenges attempts to separate the biography of the author's prison stays from the paradoxes standard in Petrarchan love poetry - The Poems of Francis Beaumont, in The Works of the English Poets ed.

Johnson, , 6: John Pearson, , 2: The Complete Poems, ed. Yale University Press, , p. Carcanet Press, , p. Helen Estabrook Sandison Oxford: Clarendon Press, , p.

Clarendon Press, and Leah S. Marcus, The Politics of Mirth Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, As Underdown suggests, "Roundheads noted the 'admired jollity, and frequent drunken meetings' of cavalier gentlemen" and "their encouragement of resistance to Parliament by the use of hospitality and feasting" p. Hardacre stresses the Royalist defiance in drinking healths once they were forbidden: Martinus Nijhoff, , p. Prynne, Comfortable Cordials pp.

Lincolnshire, , p. Minshull, Essays and Characters pp. The song appears in the first act of The Royal Slave, a play performed at Oxford in The Cambridge Royallist Imprisoned London, , particularly sigs. This attitude is less attractively seen in another account of the same period written by a prisoner who had fallen into the hands of the Royalists at Oxford and who complains of two Cavaliers encouraged "to drinke healths and carrouses in the roome with Mr. Halliwell, Percy Society, vol. University of Toronto Press, , 1: Brome, "The Royalist," 1: Douglas Bush's definition of "the cavalier trinity, beauty, love, and loyal honour" in English Literature in the Earlier Seventeenth Century, 1 New York: Woodfall Ebsworth Boston, Lincolnshire, , 2: Jordan, "The Royal Rant," p.

Brome, "The Prisoners," 1: Princeton University Press, , p. Yale University Press, , 4: Contre l'estrange ilz sont acouardiz. Par exemple, le "juste milieu [. Car si ton char en l'air hault monter laisses, Le Ciel ardras: Par mesme feu la Terre destruiras: Qui plus hault monte qu'il ne doibt, plus bas descend qu'il ne vouldroit v. De la bouche duquel Couloit la voix, plus douce que le miel v.

Fut amoureux de soy, tant se vit beau. Tant qu'en perdant sentiment par stupeur: De soy pourtant connoissance n'ayant. Battus et la pierre de touche; Cadmus et les dents du serpent de Mars. Translation du nature, selon ses parties diverses. Decoration, Diversion, or Didactism," Renaissance Studies, 3, 2 juin , p.

Le rapport image-texte retourne ainsi le rapport texte-commentaire. Voici les exemples qu'elle en donne: Iliade, chant 1, v. Quand en tenant controvers parlement Un grand parleur se couppe: Son adversaire adoncques le surprent Dessus ce poinct: Car les gens literez en disputant se confutent les ungz les aultres jouxte ce que diet Marc Antoine l'Orateur.

Hz se poignent entre eulx de leurs Aguillons ou bien comme diet Joseph contre Appion que les Grecz se redarguent de mensonge les uns les aultres. Confutation totalle de caute malice, par poignante eloquence, raison et vertu. Voir, entre autres, au livre 1, p. Callisto "estoit de Diane compagne: This paper attempts to recognize the important role played by Isidore Clarius in the reform of the Vulgate in the Sixteenth Century. In his preface, prolegomena and notes to the Bible, Clarius provided a form of pre-Tridentine Biblical scholarship which enjoyed more affinities with evan- gelical Protestant scholarship than with much of the Italian Biblical heri- tage.

In spite of his presence at Trent and his reputation as a scholar, Clarius could not escape the censorship which struck his Bible after the Index of There is abundant evidence that for the two decades preceding the meeting of the Council of Trent, works of the Swiss and German Protestant Reformers, their biblical commentaries in particular, circulated easily in Italy. In partic- ular, they were common currency in milieux marked by that evangelical humanism which sought a reform of the church effected through a return to the sources of the faith in Scripture and the writings of the Fathers.

The abbot, in Simon's view, ought either to have produced a new translation of his own, or to have concentrated on purging the old of copyists' errors. Instead he had published a hybrid as unscientific as it was unsatisfac- tory. Since the Seventeenth Century those few persons who have given any attention to Clarius have contented themselves with a repetition of Simon's strictures. This paper will attempt, within severely defined limits, an initial examination of Clarius' work, with particular reference to his sources.

Clarius and his Vulgata Taddeo Cucchi was born in in the northern Italian town of Chiari Brescia ; he adopted "Isidore" upon becoming a Benedictine in , and "Clarius" in deference to his place of birth.

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In Paul III named him to the papal Reform Commission where he was in close association with cardinal Contarini and his fellow Benedictine and subsequent cardinal Gregorio Cortese. During this period Fenlon iden- tifies Clarius as a formative influence upon Reginald Pole, with whom he would enjoy further contact during the first years of Trent. What began as a private project shared with a few associates, is now, at the insistence of friends, being reluctantly submitted to the public.

In the first place in the studied labours of all of these, that edition which the whole world uses - and I suspect always will - has not yet been freed from its present miserable condition. No one has taken the trouble to correct the errors with which it teems at every turn, a scandalous state of affairs considering that there exists in our day any number of persons who could have remedied this.

Accordingly; his Vulgata will make conveniently accessible, to the general reader as well as to the specialist, a purified text accompanied by brief annotations. As these clear the obstacles from the comprehension of the letter, the devout reader will the more easily and joyously advance to meditation upon the spiritual truths of Scripture. What principles does Clarius claim to have followed in the revision of the Latin Bible? In the first place, although he could have worked from the Hebrew sources himself, to avoid rendering his readers captive to personal idiosyncracies he has preferred to rely primarily upon the efforts of other scholars.

These authorities were not however deployed without discrimina- tion. Where the Hebrew seemed not to differ radically from the sense of the existing Latin, he preferred to retain the familiar, adding a note to enlighten the reader as to the difference with the Hebrew. Had I chosen to work with goldsmith's scales instead of using the standard of popular usage, I should certainly have offended the ears of the Church, and I would not have accomplished my purpose, the preservation of the common edition. It is however his hope that his work will prove a useful beginning upon which, with the blessing of the Church's leadership, others will build until the task is fully accomplished.

Several elements of this preface invite comment. Both style and content situate Clarius firmly in the camp of biblical humanism. The candor with which he unhesitatingly characterizes the defects of the received Latin makes clear his preference for the authority of the original tongues. If this is honest in the light of his intention, viz. The preface is followed by a catena of eight biblical quotations, an exhortation to the study of Scripture, while the final two pages of the prolegomena, under the title "Haec docent sacra bibliorum scripta" summa- rize the central truths of Scripture with a distinctly evangelical ring.

Since we cannot know whether the inclusion of these pages was the decision of Clarius or of his printer, too much weight should not be placed upon their presence. In any event, their provenance was the Bible of the still eminently respectable Robert Estienne of Paris. The deutero-canonical books of the Old Testament are in their traditional places in the Christian canon, not set apart at the end of the Old Testament as would become the Protestant fashion if they were printed at all , and the much-loved Prayer of Mariasses destined ultimately to disappear even from Roman Catholic Bibles appears at the end of Second Chronicles.

Yet there are indications that Clarius was not unaffected by humanist criticism of the Christian canon. Prior to the first book of Samuel, he reproduces Jerome's prologue on canon with its expressed preference for the more restricted Jewish canon. Furthermore, while the Hebrew canonical books receive an annotation in fine italic print which occupies the bottom one-third of a typical page, the deutero-canonical books rarely have any notes at all.

Annotation would therefore be impossible, unless one wished to philosophize upon this mass of errors, as too many exegetes had already done. Clarius' Sources My attention was first drawn to the Clarius Vulgate by striking textual reminiscences of the work of the Strasbourg Reformer, Martin Bucer, on the Psalms. These suggested that Clarius might have used as sources more than the Munster Bible that Simon had detected, that perhaps this north Italian biblical humanist with known links to the reform movement in the Italian church might have had a particular affinity for the exegesis of the evangelical upper Rhineland school, that sodalitas of humanist Biblical scholars in Strasbourg, Basel and Zurich.

Limiting this study to the Old Testament, though it corresponds to what was for Clarius the principal task, leaves as a desideratum another examination of his New Testament revision and notes. The Bible was quickly repro- duced in several Lyon and Antwerp editions, any one of which Clarius may have possessed. A comparison of the other readings wherein his text differs from a common form of the received text shows that he is consistently following the Estienne The only marginalia in Clarius' Vulgate are biblical cross-references which correspond at most points precisely to those of the Estienne edition.

Like the latter, Estienne avoids attribution of the received text to St. He is concerned to preserve and enhance the integrity of the Vulgate; but the many disparities between it and the Hebrew would trouble any reader setting it alongside one of the new translations. Accordingly Estienne has included a set of marginal notes gleaned for him by an unnamed scholar from Jewish as well as Christian sources, employing diacritical marks in the fashion of Origen and Jerome to identify for the reader the Latin's divergences from the Hebrew.

Where, however, "our translation [i. Now that the work is done, let the Church's leaders be judge of its utility. In the 90 verses in our study there are about 20 changes indicated, while a further 14 are tacitly adopted these last almost certainly from his model Estienne. As might be expected the poetry of the Song of Hannah and the Psalms is more frequently revised than is the prose of Genesis. Overall the ratio of revisions to verses is 1: Next in importance is the multi-volume Bible with verse-by-verse com- mentary from the erstwhile Franciscan and teacher of Miinster, Conrad Pellican.

Since Pellican was teaching Hebrew Scriptures in Zurich. By the early 's, there could have been no doubt of the heretical provenance of biblica printed by Froschauer of Zurich! In fact, Pellican would have been an attractive tool. Like Clarius, the former Franciscan remained committed to the ongoing place of the Vulgate in the church. Its elucidation by means of variant readings from the Hebrew often placed in parentheses within the text could be hoped to serve to perpetuate "the venerable authority of the popular translation amongst the Christian people.

The first is the paraphrased Psalter of Jan van Campen Campensis , the second the massive commentary on the Psalms by Bucer of Strasbourg. Each of these is much more significant in the annotations and their discussion can be left until later. First and foremost, he exercises his own judgement in their deployment.

It is apparent that he often passes over emendations proposed by both Estienne and Pellican. He obviously dislikes the contemporary fashion of giving common names a more Hebraic form e. Moscheh for Moses ; and resists the impulse, for example, to turn the "paradise of pleasure" of Genesis 2,8 into the "Garden of Eden" Though he takes cognizance of the Hebrew interjection Selah in a note at Ps 3,5. Hebraisms he avoids where their introduction would not contribute materially to the understanding of the literal sense. Thus at Ps 3,6 he retains "exsurrexi" with its Christological overtones, though "evigilavi" is given by Miinster, Pellican and Estienne.

On the other hand he can take bold action where he deems it warranted. In Psalm 14 there were in the Vulgate three units of text not present in the Hebrew: Perhaps because of its Christological application, Clarius does not follow his contemporary sources, retaining the offending member in v. The other two however are dropped, the former without even an explanation and in defiance of what more traditional scholars consid- ered Pauline warrant for its inclusion.

This is consistent with his operating principle, which called for him to avoid revisions not strictly neces- sary for the sense, drawing attention instead to the variant in the notes. Annotations of this sort are often but a few words, whereas those that elucidate difficult passages can be considerably more extensive.

On the ninety verses in our seven passages, there are 59 formal notes, which become 72 when those that combine two or more verses are broken up. Moreover another seven are given in the edition. Thus the ratio of notes to verses is 1: As might be expected this often takes the form of a gloss of the Hebrew not thought important enough to insert as a revision. Munster furnishes the historical introduction that begins the annotation of each book. From Miinster too Clarius draws explana- tions of Hebraisms or of features of the ancient world, and occasionally a quote from the Targum or a mediaeval rabbinic comentator.

Very frequently Clarius uses Miinster verbatim. At places in the prophets Pellican seems behind one-half the notes; he contributes less in Genesis and Samuel, and very little in the Psalms. Pellican's format was a paragraph of comment per verse of text. From this Clarius occasionally lifted a phrase verbatim; more often he paraphrased an idea in his own words. This style of use makes identification of borrowings less simple than with Miinster; there are occasions when one wonders if both authors may be reading a common source.

Yet enough is certain to permit the observation that Clarius appreciated Pellican's combination of an historico-literal interpretation with moralistic observations, that he found attractive Pellican's emphasis upon Christ in the Old Testament and the displacement of Israel as people of God by the Church. On the other hand he usually ignores the Zuricher's allegorizing and hardly surprisingly, his Protestant propaganda. Obviously attracted by the work, Clarius borrowed heavily, in the process making his Psalms annotation much lengthier than for any other book.

A notable feature of Bucer' s work is his quest for an historia, that historical moment that stimulated the composition of individual psalms, in whose light the details of the text may be expounded. From Bucer Clarius adopts a number, though by no means all of these; but their place in his notes is small. In this respect he is, like Pellican, more drawn to the Christological application of the Davidic materials. Jan van Campen Campensis , professor at the Trilingue in Louvain, published at Nuremberg in dL Paraphrase of the Psalter, after permission had been refused in Brussels.

Jerome, sometimes with the rendering by Zwingli! Campensis spent two years in Italy, for a time in the household of Reginald Pole, for a time in Rome under Contarini's patronage. He was thus almost certainly known personally to Clarius, who will have found Campensis' fervent biblical humanism and irenical zeal congenial with his own temperament. In the three psalms studied, phrases from Campensis occur on ten occasions. Finally, the Estienne Bible, whose major role in the text revision has already been discussed, contributes also to the annotations, its marginal notes occurring from time to time as examples of alternative ways of translating the text.

The sources with which Clarius is working are never identified by name. This may be prudence, in the light of the taint of heresy that attached to several. It also corresponds, however, to his practice when he makes use of rabbinical materials found in Munster and Bucer. Unlike these two, who generally name the source they are quoting, Clarius falls back on the traditional "certain Jews," or simply cites without any reference at all.

In Isaiah in particular, he seems to have had a source beyond Munster and Pellican; could this have been notes from Campensis' lectures in Padua? If Clarius naturally omits Protestant propaganda, he is not interested in scoring the heretics. Thus although very attracted to Bucer's exposition of Psalm 19, when the latter disparages those neoterici who erect false dichotomies between Law and Gospel, Clarius ignores this mild barb directed at Luther and Bugenhagen. One cannot conclude this discussion of the annotation without a word of comment on the absentees.

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If as we have seen, three leading exegetes of the upper Rhine school are amongst his authorities, others of their colleagues apparently were not. Arriving in January , after some procedural debate the abbots were seated with a single vote between them. Subse- quently he intervenes on several occasions in the justification debate.

On March 1, Thomas Caselli, the Dominican bishop of Bertinoro, pointed to Clarius' Vulgate as an elegant example of what the church required, viz. Although no translation could ever equal the original Hebrew and Greek, he could acquiesce in a conciliar preference for the Vulgate, once it had been corrected against the originals.

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This would address the problem of the confusion created for the faithful by the host of new translations in circulation; a corrected official Vulgate would gradually bring these other translations into disuse. In the interim, the council might forbid the making of new ones. Furthermore he could speak in any event only as part of the triumvirate. On the former day, while giving general approval to the decree on Scripture and tradition, the abbots include amongst other points that they would prefer not to ascribe the Psalter formally to David, nor do they like the formula pari pietatis affectu with its equation of the reverence due Scripture and tradition.

Consistent with this respect for the Hebrew is their preference for omitting mention of the Septuagint in the decree. In the voting which followed the abbots supported Cardinal Pole's plea that the one official version of the Church be trilingual, that is, include the Hebrew and the Greek originals. On this they were in the minority. Given Clarius' reputation as a biblical scholar and the favourable notice he had already received on the floor of council, it should hardly surprise if his two fellow abbots deferred to his expertise in the biblical debate.

Ehses' argument that an individual abbot could not speak is disproved by the events of May The Council passed to other matters. For his part, the following January Clarius added to his responsibilities the diocese of Foligno, where he left the reputation of a reformer devoted to the pastoral formation of his clergy. Apparently he continued to find time for his studies, for a second edition of his Bible appeared in , two years after his death, this time from the well-known Venetian firm of the Giunti.

A short preface is added, in which the reader is informed that this second edition "by popular demand" includes numerous additions to both text revi- sion and annotation by Clarius himself. An "Ordo librorum" also appears with the prolegomena. In all other respects, however, these latter are untouched, so that Clarius' critique of the Vulgate in the original preface is intact. With the so-called Trent Index of , this radical censure of a Father of the Council was made precise. The preface and prolegomena of Clarius' Bible were to be removed, and its title to allow no possible confusion of his text with that of the Vulgate.

While the new title page takes cognizance of the Tridentine strictures, the publisher in fact merely removed the offending four prefatory leaves from his existing stock, retaining the "ordo librorum", and put his Clarius back on the shelves. The copies I have examined retain the colophon. The regularity with which certain passages - notably at Ps. He was among the exegetes of the previous century to find a new lease on life by inclusion in the voluminous Critici sacri, published at London in , and subsequently reissued in Frankfurt at the turn of the next century.

This has been but a preliminary study. Nonetheless it suggests two concluding observations. First, the strictures of Simon and others notwith- standing, the place of Clarius needs to be recognized in the history of the Bible in the 16th century. In his struggle for a reformed Vulgate which should reflect faithfully the sense of the original, in his preference amongst contemporary exegetes for the work of the northern European humanists, he represented a form of pre-Tridentine Catholic biblical scholarship which because of its presuppositions found itself enjoying more affinities with some evangelical Protestant scholarship than with much of Italian biblica.

But there are insights to be gained too from the losers of historic confrontations. Which in turn reminds us that we have still much to learn about the complex of ideas, personalities and activities that was the reform party in Italy in the two decades leading up to the first period of the council of Trent. Any reply then to the question in the title of this paper, would do well to recall the ambiquity with which its biblical original was put 1 Sam. At this juncture we can at least note that abbot Isidore danced discreetly before the Lord in the company of the Rhineland evangelical prophets.

Vancouver School of Theology Notes 1. Such a definition would include Erasmian Catholics as well as persons more attracted to what became Protestant thought: Quarterius to Martin Bucer, Etudes sur la correspondance Paris f. Pole and the Counter- Reformation Cambridge, There is debate over the appropriateness of the term Vulgate applied to the Church's Bible before the Council of Trent.

In this instance, it is the term Clarius himself chose for his edition of the Bible, a title subsequently censured by the Council. Histoire critique du Vieux Testament Rotterdam, , On Miinster see infra, n. Vulgata aeditio Veteris ac Novi testamenti, quorum alterum adHebraicam, alterum ad Graecam veritatem emendatum est diligentissime, ut nova aeditio non facile desyderetur, et vetus tamen hie agnoscatur: Venetiis apud Petrum Schoeffer Maguntinum Germanum.

Aile Propheten Worms, Ibid, "si statera aurificis et non populari potius quadam trutina uti voluissem, offensae fuissent omnino ecclesiae aures, neque id quod cogitaveram esset consecutum, ut scilicet vulgata aeditio agnosceretur. In his Veteris Testamenti ad Hebraicam veritatem recognitio. Steucho would likewise be delegated to the Council of Trent. For his defence of Jerome's authorship of the Vulgate and its superiority to all other versions see the preface, fol.

Habes in hoc libro For the Vienne decree, see Corpus luris Canonici, ed. Richard Cenomanus, Collationes ad Psalmos Paris, publ. Jan van Campen in Louvain reported in the rumour that Clement VII had set a commission of six Christians and six Jews to the task preface to his Psalter, see infra n. Cicero, De amicitia 18, Loeb This leaf was frequently removed by censors from copies of both the and editions of Clarius.

Cum ergo emendare non licuerit, multo minus obscuriora loca illustrare scholiis potui, quae non nisi ablatis a textu erroribus sunt adhibenda, ne, quod hactenus a multis factum est, in ipsis erroribus cogeremur philosophari vol. The texts chosen for this study are: Note that Hebrew MT and Vulgate traditions do not always coincide in chapter and verse divisions and numbering.

In this paper I shall use throughout the MT system. Since my initial writing of this paper, Maria Cristina Pauselli has begun study of Clarius' work on the New Testament under the direction of Dr. Biblia Breves in eadem annotationes, ex doctissimis interpretationibus et Hebraeorum commentariis Parisiis, ex officina Robert Stephani. Elizabeth Armstrong, Robert Estienne: Collectanea biblica latina, 6 , p.

The reading at Hosea 1, 2 is that of Estienne against Estienne For a standard Vg I have used the Brant text of Basel In A, C, F and G exactly. At B they are omitted; at E there is an additional "Prov. After 1,11, as also in Pellican. A comparison of the indices may reveal further correspondences. The "vir doctus aliquis" who worked for and with Estienne is identified in the preface as one Guillaume Fabritius, a canon of Poitiers. Eine Bibliographie Wiesbaden ; on M. En damus tibi Christianissime lector Commentaria Bibliorum et ilia brevia quidem.

Zurich, , 7 vols. See Pellican's defence of this preference in the preface vol. On this debate within the Rhineland school, cf. Apparently overlooking the fact that its first appearance is two verses earlier. Thus at 1 Sm 2,5, the barren continues to be promised "plurimos", not "septem" as the Hebrew translates literally. Apparently Clarius was also not interested in promot- ing numerological speculations. At Ps 19,4; also at Gen 2,1: On the debate, which opposed a reverence for the original even to the word order with an insistence on the necessity of translating sense to sense, see Hobbs, "Exegetical projects and problems: Pipkin Allison Park, Pa.

Clarius does note the issue in his annotations; but he is impressed above all by the providential application of these words concerning David to Christ. On the handling of this textual issue by a variety of 16th C. Paul as interpreter of the Psalms in the 16th C. At Ps 19, the introduction to the Ps is Bucer, in part paraphrased by Clarius, in part by Munster whence it is taken up verbatim. At Gen 2, he does not use Pellican's allegorical treatment of the Garden.

Later at 2,18 he likewise passes over Pellican's comments on the evils of enforced celibacy; he does however paraphrase Pellican's comment that the replacement of the man's rib by flesh after the making of woman 2,21 symbolizes the diminishing of virility that comes through intimacy with women! Sacrorum Psalmorum libri quinque [Strasbourg] ; cf. Hobbs, "How firm a foundation: Martin Bucer's historical exegesis of the Psalms" in Church History 53 In he adds a sentence loosely based upon Bucer or Pellican's abridgement of him underlying the typological application of the text to Christ.

In Psalm 3, the historia has of course canonical warrant v. At Ps 2, CI. Clarius makes extensive use of Bucer on this psalm; there are 13 lines of biblical text for 66 lines of notes by comparison the following psalm has a ratio of 8: Amongst the materials borrowed, Bucer's discussion of the correct way to relate the Old Testament to the New. The opening statement, of the superiority of the sun to any star is Bucer digested by Miinster; the comparison of the sun to a bridegroom and a striking reference to contemporary Jewish wedding customs are verbatim Bucer; a reference to John 3,29, the simile of a runner with a quotation from Homer and cross-reference to Ps 18,34, and comment upon the elegance of the simile and its lesson for us, all follow in succession from Bucer, partly verbatim, partly paraphrased.

Psalmorum omnium iuxta hebraicam veritatem paraphrastica interpretatio Nuremberg On Campensis see H. So at Gen 2,3 from Miinster and the intro. The exception seems to be the translations from the Targum: Hos 1,22 "Jonathan" , or often "Chaldaeus. At Gen 2,19 where he adds "opinor ex hoc loco Platonem venisse in eam opinionem. For these and other commentaries of the Rhenish evangelicals, see Roussel, "De Strasbourg", p.



Felix Pratensis, Psalterium ex hebreo diligentissime ad verbum fere tralatum Venice ; on Steucho, supra n. On the Scripture issues before the Council, H. Stephen Ehses, "Zwei Trienter Konzilsvota. Isidorus Clarius", Romische Quartalschrift 27 , Geschichte, Nova Collectio, Freiburg in Br. Diarium III Massarelli p. Histoire du Concile de Trente Bale , 1, Apparently the heirs of Luc Antonio Giunti: Fumagalli, Lexicon typographicum italiae Firenze Contrary to Lauchert, op. In the BN, Paris, shelf no. A; in the BN Madrid, no. The Ecclesiasticus is given supra n. Dialectique et connaissance dans La Sepmaine de Du Bartas: Structures of Life in Sixteenth-Century London.

One of the chief preoccupations of historians who write about early modern cities is the attempt to reconstruct as accurately as possible the conditions under which people prospered or struggled, succeeded or failed. Most often the exercise includes a revision of interpretations offered by previous writers on the subject.

Steve Rappaport's impressive study of social structures in Tudor London follows this tradition: In the first five chapters of the book the author undertakes a careful reappraisal of the social and economic evidence which has led previous historians to portray sixteenth-century London in an unfavourable light. His own findings suggest that the capital was, in fact, "admirably free" of the serious level of disorder which characterised its Continental counterparts in the same period, that perennial com- plaints about unemployment were symptomatic merely of the marked changes in the structure of London's economy which occurred in the second half of the century, and that the so-called "price revolution", though contributing to a general decline in people's standard of living, was not accompanied by either widespread hunger or dire poverty.

Rappaport's scholarship is best revealed in the second portion of the book, where he suggests new methods for analyzing social mobility. Here he bases his arguments on a sample group of men, "entrants" enroled in the city's register of freemen between and , and masters under whom they served. In Chapter 6 he reviews, then rejects, the model of urban social structure found in the work of W. Hoskins and other historians of London, which defines the structure of the city in terms of a pyramid, with the bottom two-thirds of the population living "below or very near the poverty line" and, at the top, a very small minority of people who jealously controlled most of the city's wealth.

He argues that a more accurate picture of social structure may be drawn by examining the means by which power was distributed in the city. There existed in sixteenth-century London several levels of administrative units - in effect "a multitude of worlds within worlds," in which power and authority were shared by freemen of all ranks.

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Under the watchful eyes of the aldermen officials of the city's parishes, wards and precincts performed a variety of social and administrative services, from peace keeping to poor relief. But even more significant were the everyday aspects of authority and social control exercised by the livery companies. The livery companies themselves were conscious of the crucial role they played in the economic, political, legal and social life of London; consequently, admission to their ranks was a highly prized privilege. Within the companies was another series of worlds within worlds, a hierarchy which included assistants, liverymen, householders, journeymen and apprentices.

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Each estate was clearly defined, with the highest status groups the assistants and liverymen enjoying privileges and assuming responsibilities denied to lesser men, but admission to the companies, which carried with it the freedom of the city, promised all prospective members some share in the political and economic life of the city.

In Chapter 8 Rappaport criticizes the methods traditionally adopted by histo- rians to examine social mobility. His findings strongly support the contention that the opportunities for social mobility in sixteenth-century London were considerable. Apprenticeship was the means by which seven of every eight men became freemen of London and members of the livery companies.

Ascriptive characteris- tics such as family wealth had little direct effect on the length of time which young men spent learning the skills of their chosen trade or craft; family background, however, did go some way towards determining who apprenticed in the city's wealthiest and most prestigious companies, and who secured the best masters. Ultimately, these factors influenced the whole course of a man's career. Thus, the sons of gentlemen, yeomen and native Londoners were generally recruited by the twelve most prestigious companies, and served their apprenticeships under masters who were liverymen.

The sons of husbandmen, by contrast, trained in the lesser companies, usually under masters who were mere householders. Ascriptive characteristics likewise played only an indirect role in determining which apprentices went on to become householders; opportunities for setting up shop were open to all journeymen, and most had taken this step within two or three years of completing their training.

In general, then, there was still in operation at this level a "contest mobility system, a process in which what you did apparently mattered more than who you were. In the twelve great companies at least, young men who had apprenticed under liverymen that is, sons of high-status families were nearly four times more successful than other men in being offered the livery. Such men were also virtually guaranteed to rise to the highest ranks in the company, that is, to serve as wardens, assistants and ultimately as master of the company. In terms of social mobility, then, the estate hierarchy of the sixteenth-century companies was "rather fluid," with a generally equitable system of competition determining admission to the lower ranks, but a "fairly permeable barrier" separating mere householders from the liveried elite.

Rappaport's book is beautifully written and demonstrates an impressive com- mand of the voluminous sources upon which it is based. It remains, nevertheless, a study of only one segment, however numerous and influential, of sixteenth-century London, and the author's conclusions are, in this sense, overambitious. In addition, the numerous company records which survive from the sixteenth century bear witness to a system in which members of parishes, wards, precincts, and the liveried companies worked together in a remarkably efficient manner to deal with incidents of minor violence, debt and fraud, but the story which these records retell is only a partial one, and though other types of judicial record are not plentiful, they are not as rare as Rappaport suggests.

Assize records from the Home Counties, to cite but one example, bespeak a level of violence in the general environs of London which legal historians suggest reflected conditions within the city; among other things, they reveal a high incidence of criminal activity on the part of individuals identified clearly as citizens and companymen of London. Rappaport's apprentices and companymen themselves lived in a world within a larger world, and the conditions under which they lived and prospered were significantly different from those which governed the lives of the less privileged.

Milan, Guerini e Associati, C'est dans ce cadre que Paul O. Princeton University Press, Robert Munter and Clyde L. Edwin Mellen Press, The history of travel has been recognized as an important aspect of intellectual and cultural history. The two books reviewed here add to this knowledge, but in very different ways. The first, Garden and Grove is a splendid analysis of the influence of the Italian Renaissance garden in England; the second. Englishmen Abroad is essentially a collection of readings selected out of the travel accounts written during the seven- teenth century.

Garden and Grove is a wonderful book in many ways. In a relatively short text, richly illustrated, John Dixon Hunt has traced the attraction and the continuing influence of Italian gardens in England. It evokes the obsession with classical antiquity as illustrated in garden design, description and allusion. The Renaissance desire to recreate the ancient world extended very much to gardens; and the attempts to recover the gardens described by Pliny, Varro and others, as well as the introduc- tion of statuary, specific buildings and, later, ruins all refer back to the classical conception of the locus amoenus.