Trespassers Caught : Maud and Emma Investigate

Rather than assimilating to a new society, they transplanted their own legal, cultural and social institutions and guarded them jealously. They justified this by reference to several overlapping ideas circulating widely around the Angloworld. First, there were the racial scientists, theologians and eugenicists of Europe who, in the wake of industrial-capitalist dislocation, had been fretting over the corruption and degeneration of the European body.

Swanson, Dubow and Deacon show that these ideas found a ready audience in South Africa. Harvard University Press, Colonial Cultures in a Bourgeois World, ed. University of California Press, ; Jeremy C. Historical and Cultural Studies London: Liberal segregationists in South Africa - who wished to avoid the corruption of white colonial society or the contamination of 'natives' from pristine tribal reserves - appropriated for their own purposes the ideas of Victorian Malthusians, Social Darwinists, Spencerians, Larmarkians and Galtonions.

Columbia University Press, , pp. Jonathan Ball, , especially pp. These positions were all closely related. White 'nativist' associations and labour organisations were the loudest voices in the movement, but even elite Asians and Africans did not often reject the idea of border-controls in toto, and in some cases actively supported restriction. A long list of scholars have shown how, during frequent outbreaks of moral panic, agitators accused immigrants of upsetting the delicate racial balance. These ideas were circulated in a wide variety of popular media, leaving a powerful visual record — with a style alternating between fascination and repulsion, as Huynh has recently argued.

The move toward South Africanism, meanwhile, was driven by non-partisan British and Afrikaner intellectuals working toward a co-operative white rather the British or Afrikaner South Africa, that was different from, but not in opposition to, imperial imperatives. Many of these ideas filtered down to the white proletariat who sought to defend their precarious position against new immigrants. Chapter three below also discusses how migrants themselves supported restrictive border-control, so long as they were exempt from them.

By the s and 30s, as we shall see, panic was also surrounding the prevalence of 'foreign' African migrants, who until then had been encouraged to migrate to South Africa to solve cheap labour shortages. Dukawallahs in Durban, c. H Tatlow, Natal Province: South African Railways Printing Works, , p. In possession of one 'Hilton T'. Accessed 27 March What to do with a drunken sailor?

Scully, The Ridge of the White Waters, p. Colonial Natal, where the Indian population was largest, led the way in formulating restriction. Following successive disabilities placed on Indians during the s, in the first Immigration Restriction Act was passed. The law infamously sidestepped an Empire-wide ban on racial legislation by insisting the key to William C. Scully, The Ridge of the White Waters. Milner attempted to enrich the bureaucracy, raise productivity in town and countryside, and develop cost- efficient housing, transport, taxation, customs, public health and municipal policy.

After Natal assumed Responsible Government in , Indians were disenfranchised from the voters roll and traders were required to work under strict licensing conditions. The law also provided for confinement and deportation, placed liability and financial penalties on ship-owners for transporting illegal immigrants, and stipulated criminal penalties for aiders and abettors. As we will see in the following chapters, key to the legislative onslaught was the creation of an enforcement infrastructure. For the first time in South African history, a professional and permanent civil staff dedicated themselves to immigration restriction.

During the first decade of its existence, the IRD developed examination procedures, , wharf policing, detention systems, and land border surveillance under the Principal Immigration Officer PIO Harry Smith and his ambitious assistant Godfrey Dick. From , Smith introduced fingerprinting to detect imposters. Migrants insulted both Smith and Dick for their efforts.

The duties of boarding officers' involved providing a full-time operation to meet incoming ships and to examine and test passengers before disembarkation. Officers detained those who failed, and organised deportation. Established in for custom's purposes, the Ju-jitsu trained Water Police enforced order along the wharves. They guarded passenger ships to prevent illicit entry, built barriers to isolate the port from the town and, by , had some ninety men patrolling seven miles of wharf day and night under the judiciously named Insp. See Holt, Mounted Police, pp. In , the department was forced to use a range of other venues in the town for detention purposes after the hulk succumbed to the worm.

Smith appointed a full- time Immigration officer at Charlestown in and a year later he had a special Immigration Office built on the railway platform. Travelling border police also worked on moving trains. By , immigration control posts were erected at Union Bridge on the Mzimkulu river and Riverside in the south, and in Maputaland Ubombo and Ingwavuma in the north. For the pre-twentieth century period see Holt, Mounted Police, pp. Ken Donaldson, Johannesburg, Natal Who's who Publishing Co, p.

Thanks to Goolam Vahed for mentioning this informal epithet given Dick. Holt, The Mounted Police of Natal, p. Administrators initially thought the Cape was less vulnerable to the "Asiatic menace" because Durban was nearer to Asia and would only have to deal with small numbers of Europeans. Administrators hoped immigration control might be a sub-duty of the Port Health Office. Within a year, however, it was obvious this was wholly inadequate. Compared to Durban, the Cape developed a near-comprehensive biographical archive of immigrants, making it extremely difficult for refused immigrants to later slip through the port unnoticed by the department.

H Tatlow, Natal Province, p. Like Durban, Cousins drafted special constables to guard ships at berth and organised a detention centre a guarded, fenced-in hut placed in an isolated part of the harbour. Cousins also eyed the open land borders and immediately began recruiting station-masters, police officers and magistrates to help with immigration control at Norval's Point, Fourteen Streams, Bethulie, Mafikeng, Kimberly, Springfield and Beaconsfield.

This did not reflect a more hospitable government, but rather that several administrations had already introduced immigration control measures during the last days of Kruger's presidency and during and after the war. An Immigration Restriction Act, also based on the Natal template, followed a year later. This central office coordinated immigration and Asiatic registration regulations, and orchestrated border patrols by giving special authority to police, customs and transport officials The Owl, 6 May Witwatersrand University Press, , fig.

Troops policed this system using an extensive grid of blockhouses through the Transvaal. On the Transvaal border with Bechuanaland and Rhodesia, , Ngwato loyalists patrolled the border. To the south, 3, Basotho pickets formed a chain of guards along the eastern Free State border. At the cessation of war, the Peace Preservation Ordinance also sought to regulate returning refugees. This abolished the various colonial immigration laws but consolidated most of their regulations in a new, single statute, the policy developments of which have been well- covered by Klaaren and Peberdy. Fear, Favour and Prejudice Cambridge: For a contemporary blue print for the Union's new governmental machinery as it took shape, see the multi-authored, four volume, The Government of South Africa, ed.

Central News Agency, See also Beyond Control: Immigration and Human Rights in a democratic South Africa , ed. Interior took control of all matters relating to immigration and naturalization. This meant that whilst the text of the new Act still avoided racial terminology, Interior ministers were nonetheless permitted to confidentially pronounce certain ethnic groups prohibited. Predictably, within a few days of the Act's passage Asians and 'coloured persons' were to be restricted as a class. In practice such immigrants now had not even the chance of an education test.

In practice this meant substantial power resided very low down the chain of command and was not subject to legislative oversight. The boarding officers were encouraged to use their discretion and their word was difficult to challenge. All port regulations were to be made uniform, with a particular emphasis on prohibiting any contact by boat and shore until examinations had been completed.

As part of an effort to centralize control, in a single senior officer was appointed to oversee and better co-ordinate the provincial heads. By , an even more powerful post - the Commissioner of Immigration and Asiatic Affairs - was created that put its incumbent on level terms with the Secretary for Labour and the Secretary for Native Affairs.

By now, a repatriation campaign for Indians was in full effect. Until the early s, most administrative attention had focused on the ports, where it made practical sense to install the institutional infrastructure of border control. By the middle of that decade, fullsome attempts were finally made to buttress the land borders. Border posts - now staffed by Immigration Officials, rather than police - mushroomed all over South Africa's borders during this period, but policing was especially energetic in the Komatipoort area.

Long, whom we met earlier, made it compulsory for immigrants to report to him first and obtain written permission to continue to the Transvaal. On the northern border, Transvaal patrollers shared duties with their Rhodesian counterparts until Beit Bridge was opened in and a dedicated control post established. In the West, Mafikeng became the dedicated border station from which patrols originated.

Stationmasters issued tickets only to those with up-to-date identity documentation.

Game park wardens agreed to keep an eye out for immigrants traversing the Sabi later Kruger Game Reserve. Senior staff in Pretoria, Cape Town and Durban made tours of the land frontiers to train officers in the latest identification techniques. During the following decade, in which nationalist momentum started to nudge out lingering liberal sentiment, three major laws were passed that worked in addition to the Aliens Act and its deeming orders.

First was the Quota Act. This held that only fifty immigrants each from places other than Western Europe, North America and Australia were admissible. All immigrants had to place their claim to enter before an Immigrant Selection Board and actively prove their good character and admissibility. Enforcement agencies made additional financial investments in deportation infrastructure. Soon after, the Commissioner of Immigration won control over African immigrants, whose entry had hitherto been encouraged and facilitated solely by the sophisticated government-approved labour recruitment agencies operating across the region, and applied the same conditions to their entry.

Aspectos da Cidade, Vida comercial, Praia da Polana, etc. The order was passed in April Immigrants obtained this after fulsome examination in the limited number of South African legations abroad, where staff had wide discretion. The Appeal Boards, although lacking full legal safeguards, had once allowed immigrants some room for manoeuvre. In the Minister abolished Appeal Boards altogether. Failure to report to a border officer on arrival in the country became a criminal offence carrying a jail term. Not yet satisfied, policy-makers passed the Alien's Registration Act in Now, an immigrant, once admitted, was required to report his residential and occupational arrangements to officials every three years.

Hotel and employers were legally required to keep records of all foreigners on their books. In the late s, the departments pursued a further round of bureaucratic reforms and an expansion of border patrols, as well starting an expensive project to fence the northern borders of the country. A simple reading of these developments suggests that immigration law enforcers progressively narrowed opportunities for immigrants by building procedural obstacles and a spider-web of border-posts.

The historical geographer Peberdy following Bradlow's unpublished Ph.

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Immigration restriction was apparently successful in practice, a generally unproblematic story of increased centralization of control, narrowing scope for undesirable travellers, and well-sign-posted turns well understood by migrants and the electorate. This thesis argues that it is also possible to see the torrent of restrictive modifications as evidence of a prolonged, difficult, and unresolved struggle.

Chaotic incapacity and strategic permissiveness proved to be durable limits on coercive border making, despite the creation of dedicated immigration restriction infrastructure. Effective enforcement required financial and human capital, and this was almost always at a premium. Regular asides in immigration reports insist policy ought to be made in the interests of economy.

Budget allocations were surprisingly, For Peberdy, restriction over the s was targeted at Indians as white politicians shored up a race-based national identity; in the s and 30s poor Eastern European Jews were restricted as national identity pivoted on class and religious purity. Oscillations of policy in the s and 50s reflected ideological struggles between Anglophone, mostly protestant liberals and conservative, Calvinist Afrikaners.

Salaries were generally unattractive and both the quantity and quality of staff suffered. At the land borders, investment was worse: As we will see, short-handed, low-graded and overburdened, the immigration bureaucracy regularly found itself inadequate to its tasks. Sheer numbers of immigrants often overwhelmed the handful of officers. Officials faced multilingual working environments, legal challenges and diplomatic obstacles, the demands of transport companies, the clamour of farmers, mine owners and manufactures and, importantly, a vigorous protest culture among all groups of migrants.

At times, senior officers privately admitted defeat as record keeping systems struggled to stay coherent. Perhaps the most important consequence of this chaotic incapacity was the reversion to a strategic permissiveness. Given the two hundred year struggle to enforce colonial borders, this was not remarkable and the situation echoed in other micro-sites of twentieth century South African state-making.

Officials frequently exempted poor whites, rich Asians, working or religious Africans from restriction, detention and deportation. South Africa's international border was, in a sense, holographic - appearing and disappearing depending on the perspective of the viewer. Over the period covered by this study, the border regime developed a long sometimes absurd list of exemptions and concessions that undermined rigid exclusion. But this was, actually, paltry - a fraction of that afforded other comparable departments in the civil service.

Juta, , pp. Ivan Evans, Bureaucracy and Race. Native Administration in South Africa Berkeley: University of California Press, , p. As long as petitioners whether immigrants or south African employers stood a chance of winning a concession, it would always be difficult to organising sustained, broad-based campaigns against the law.

The exemption system was ambiguous. If it made the border porous, it did not immediately, or ever, confer permanent citizenship status on immigrants admitted temporarily. This dynamic was common to all migrants, but the system developed by the border regime to manage African migration, is thrown into sharpest relief in chapter six. The key mechanism was the Temporary Permit.

Exemption could last for weeks, years and perhaps even decades, but officials could, in theory, remove it at any time. There were usually strict conditions attached. Until the s, there was no mechanism to trace permit holders or to ascertain if they had left the country. The border regime relied on a financial deposit as the primary disincentive, but this opened the way to resourceful migrants, often working in syndicates, who might gain temporary admission and then simply melt away into the general population.

These syndicates are explored in the following chapters. Sources and Methods The key to this critique of existing literature is in methodology and sources. Peberdy has based her study on policy memorandums in general circulation, Hansard extracts and the personal papers of ministers. These are certainly good sources to consult to understand what ministers wanted, but to enquire what subsequently happened requires a more sustained and expansive engagement with the immigration archives.

Although Peberdy made occasional forays into these archives, the files she consulted are only a fraction of those available, and no series was followed in its entirety. Perhaps most problematic with this work is the complete and some might say bizarre absence of any engagement with the Commissioner of Immigration records CIAA. By the s and 30s, these exemptions had been expanded to "condonees" of all races; "Negro Missionaries"; students and teachers, nurses, Japanese and Chinese merchants under various "Gentleman's Agreements", tourists, servants and catechists, sports teams, travellers arriving with recommendations from African Consolidated Theatres, African Caterers Limited, South African Iron and Steel Corporation, the African Synod and affiliated religious bodies, the Chamber of Mines, International Banks, South African Municipalities, Hospitals, Religious and Educational Institutions and Imperial Airways.

The permit was typically granted for three months to a year in the first instance, but was generally renewable if the applicant showed good cause. Rather than assuming the immigration bureaucracy faithfully reproduced nationalist designs, Klaaren sees dexterity, flexibility and Byzantine complexity as the key motors of change. While the immigration control bureaucracy always moved toward consolidation and centralization, it also encompassed an intricate maze of exemptions, concessions, discretions, internal contests and delegated authority among fractured bureaucratic spheres.

This dissertation pushes archival investigation further still, collecting some 13, pages of correspondence, comparing ministerial decree to the scribbles of rookie offices, and finding some interesting differences. It began with a reading of the CIAA series in its entirety rather than select files ; it then moved to several unpublished commissions containing extensive interviews with local Immigration Office staff.

Because they were not for public consumption, they offer some candid insight into day-to-day practices as they unfolded. These are scattered throughout a large, poorly organised collection, but the project has been able to exploit digital databases to build a coherent body of evidence from disparate fragments. T Long turned out to be an especially diligent and frank correspondent on the problems of the eastern border.

In some very rare instances, it has been possible to trawl digital newspapers to reconstruct spatially dispersed, transnational lives of migrants although colonial newspapers all but disavow the migrating poor until they become disobedient. This dissertation also culled material on border towns from the Department of Native Affairs, which reveals that African migration was indeed of concern to the immigration bureaucracy, despite their usual absence from immigration policy studies.

This requires an intuitive grasp of bureaucratic jargon, best obtained by sustained immersion in the files and wide browsing through archival sources that at first glance, may seem not to be concerned with immigration policy. All together, the sources consulted shed light on how the state perceived migrants, faced a range of difficult challenges and forged adaptations. It also sheds light on migrant encounters with the state, how they engaged with and transgressed border rules and regulations. It offers a history of migrant practice rather than politics, what migrants do rather than think.

Scholars now well understand that, in the colonial world especially, official sources frequently misunderstood and misrepresented subject populations if they saw them at all. South African immigration officials were interested only in a limited amount of biographical data from migrants, collecting larger records only in the event of a contravention or an appeal. The records used here still leave questions about migrant experiences either side of the border post, which future studies may be able to answer.

How did new immigrants socially and legally embed into local south African society, and did they face obstacles in doing so? For those rejected or deported, did the experience of south African border-controls have an impact back home, or on subsequent migrations? To address these issues in full will require a different sort of study than that provided here. It has lingered very low down the archival 'feeding chain', even in the gutter at times, to present several detailed case studies.

It would be impossible to present a fully representative account of a story involving tens, and perhaps hundreds, of thousands of people. I have approached this by carefully choosing six case studies among many contenders , chosen because, first, they generated a palpable amount of official correspondence and best illustrate the fault-lines in the border regime.

Secondly I believe they present a spectrum of possibilities and limits for all arriving migrants. Thirdly, they directly provoked, or galvanized, policy changes. Taken together they show beyond any reasonable doubt that the making of the international border was an incomplete, sometimes incoherent and above all flexible process, and that some migrants were able to find ways to engage and subvert policies. The Immigration Department and the Historiography of the South African State In problematising the making of South Africa's immigration bureaucracy, this work is inspired by - and contributes to - a rich literature on the South African state.

Critical interest in the South African state properly began with the burst of revisionist work in the late s. For the earliest political theorists, the state was an arbitrator of conflict, autonomous from both venal ruling families and social interest groups, which monopolised and then dispensed law in aid of the general good. Nineteenth century Whigs picked up the idea and then exported the idea of the autonomous, paternal state to the British colonial world. Terence Ball et al. Central News Agency, , Vols. Studies on South African citizenship and politics, ed. Maskew Miller, ; C.

Instead, they argued, the state had capitulated to bourgeois interests, and had been complicit in making the society safe for an exploitative species of capitalism. From the mids, scholars of the South African state began to engage with the political sociology of Theda Skocpol and, later, Michael Mann. Further, the state decisively fractured the proletariat by repressing black unions. At the same time, the state co-opted white labour by giving them the better share of the spoils of economic growth and pursued capital friendly investment and taxation policies.

Johnstone, Class, Race and Gold London: Class, Capital and ideology in the development of Afrikaner Nationalism Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, , among others. Greenwood, , especially pp. She called for scholars to trace moments when states remain aloof from, or actively reject, economic pressures. The Rise of classes and nation-states Cambridge: State managers had to balance the economic needs of capital with the ideological obligations of paternalism and trusteeship, or imagined security threats.

Finally, the need to win or maintain electoral support might sway executive decisions. As these scholars showed, state managers had to be pragmatic. As a result, it was hard to generalise about the South African state. Policy was ambiguous and sometimes outright contradictory. The most recent work on the South African state draws from developments in anthropology that further questions the modernist narrative of the state. Most are influenced, in part, by Philip Abrams. They consider the everyday practices of classification and the iconography of the colonial state as it tries, but invariably fails, to materialize itself.

Raven, ; Deborah Posel, The making of apartheid, Colonialism and the Making of Modern India Princeton: Princeton University Press, ; Ann L. Stoler, Along the Archival Grain. Princeton University Press, ; James C. Scott, Seeing like a State. There are two ways to build on this story of administrative fragility. The first is to consider informal economies at work within the bureaucracy. Studies of the African colonial state - Bayart, Chabal and Cooper especially - have argued that because the colonial state had failed to establish a strong foundation, it was vulnerable to patrimonial, tributary or predatory political cultures.

They highlight how crime and administration have long been bedfellows in South African state structures. Indian University Press, For numerous case studies, see States of Imagination. Ethnographic Explorations of the Postcolonial State, ed. Duke University Press, ; State Formation.

Trespassers Caught : Maud and Emma Investigate by Anna Catman (2013, Hardcover)

Christian Krohn-hansen and Knut G. Manchester University Press, Ashforth focuses on government commissions, arguing that the science of administration was little more than a hotchpotch of delusions circulating amongst bureaucrats. This made them singularly ill-equipped to respond when reality inevitably intruded, and also heightened the potential for repression. The latter, focusing on the eastern Cape, shows how Xhosa subjects translated visions of state rationality into esoteric and distinctly atavistic meanings, which in turn underpinned political resistance.

Shear, in a little cited but original approach, argues that the South African police administration, despite powerful claims to modernity, actually relied on idioms that bore a closer resemblance to 'smelling out' and witchcraft, which ultimately qualified coercive capacity. Bayart, The State in Africa. The Politics of the Belly. Disorder as Political Instrument London: The quote is on p.

A second way forward is to ask if, and how, this created opportunities for subjects to appropriate prescriptive technologies of rule. Put simply, migrants devise novel, if illegal, pathways to a functional form of citizenship. Finally, this dissertation hopes to make an African contribution to a growing global literature on migration regimes that has been overwhelmingly focused on the north Atlantic world. Work produced over the last decade has begun to show how border control regimes monopolize the legitimate means of movement by creating and containing modern identities and cultural orders.

Bayly, The Birth of the Modern World. Global Connections and Comparisons, London: Princeton University Press, , pp. Heinemann, , Harry West, Kupilikula: Chicago University Press, , especially pp. The growth of culturally orientated border studies in the last decade and a half has been concerned with a number of questions: The following examples have provided important interventions: Nation and State at International Frontiers, ed. Cambridge University Press, ; Radhika V. Surveillance, Citizenship, and the State Cambridge: These froze a dynamic, mobile world and ultimately produced the normative ideal of the sedentary, 'free' and 'transparent' individual tied to a national territory, from which it was legally difficult, if not impossible, to question.

Societies across the world took up these ideas sooner or later, in order to create the modern, standardized system of international immigration control. To remain outside of this system was to remain beyond the orbit of the modern and the progressive; border-controls, according to McKeown, had therefore triumphed as a productive technology of modern rule, and were not irrational hangovers of an unenlightened past. The South African case, treated in brief outline in this introduction, is evidently representative of this larger story, and much of McKeown's insights will continue to ring true in the chapters to follow.

However, South Africa perhaps offers a globally modest but regionally significant qualification of McKeown's uncompromisingly Foucauldian position. In the under- resourced context of southern Africa, the epistemic break between archaic and modern was not so sharp. Many of the older forms of migration survived. In the palpable disorder of South Africa's immigration regime, patronage, secrecy, performativity, trust and individual status persisted, and in some case flourished, alongside a preciously modern border control system that aimed to rationalise and limit entry.

This history, then, evaluates the coercive and productive capacity of the modern South African state at its topographical limits, but also sketches its fragility, and the performative challenges migrants were able to make. Harvard University Press, ; Patrick W. Women, Immigration, and Citizenship, Princeton: Chinese in Canada's exclusion era, Oxford: Smoking Guns in Pretoria, In mid, while most South Africans were digesting news of the National Party's election triumph, the Union capital witnessed seven short exchanges of gun-fire.

Involved was an off-duty Transvaal Immigration Department officer named P. Otto in a borrowed Studebaker. Also involved was a shop assistant called Nkosi, the driver Singh, the gangster Bonny Rocker, the silk-merchant Akoob, and a teenager called Naidoo. These now barely remembered confrontations were score- settling fights over the betrayal of a touting syndicate that linked the Immigration Office at Pretoria with mostly Indian migrants in Mozambique and India.

What follows traces the story of subversive networks working within the department, networks that took root half a century earlier. Indian travellers became the earliest and most direct object of exclusion for the new South African border regime, following widespread anti-Indian agitation at the turn of the century.

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Yet, prior to c. Such migration controls as did exist had functioned to import labourers, and then to contain them within certain districts. But as we shall see, amid the general prohibition, certain limited concessions were granted by pragmatic officials, the most important of which was that concerning Indians who had been resident in South Africa prior to the passing of the new laws. To manage this, policy makers settled on compulsory registration for Indians resident in South Africa — those who did not or could not register were deemed prohibited immigrants.

Other 'Asiatics', such as Chinese, Japanese and Ottoman migrants were subject to slightly different policies and are considered in later chapters. As will be demonstrated below, there was in fact little that was straightforward about creating a foolproof system to thwart Indian immigration. Immigration Offices were characterised as much by confusion as by coercion, and local staff were often disorientated and demoralized.

Thinking of conjuring in its alternative sense, then, registry files could also be made to disappear and reappear, for a price. A bureaucratic regime that was both onerous and inadequately supervised attracted profit-seeking touts. As this chapter will show, through an expansive economy of false permits in the two decades after , official identity in the south-western Indian Ocean was imposed, appropriated, bought, stolen and lost.

The Misadventures of Naivus Pathetus by Stephan Attia

Annually, cases of official impostors probably averaged about five hundred, perhaps occasionally reaching a thousand. But the precise number is less important than the panic this provoked amongst senior officials and respectable migrant leaders. What follows highlights three key processes in the making of South African international borders. The first is that human agents have a habit of marching out of tune with even the most rigorous, repressive registration regimes.

A kind of value attached to the residence permit sometimes 'certificate of domicile' , because this document secured cross- border movement and facilitated trade, property accumulation, employment and inheritance, even if it did not offer any formal political citizenship. I give some historical depth to Ross Anderson's work which illustrates human elements and insider subversion within systems.

This qualifies Sadiq's position: As has been shown elsewhere, gate-keeping officials in the colonial world worked less to restrict traffic than to profit from it - bureaucracies quickly become rent Africa, Johannesburg: Hong Kong University Press, Here, dynamic, decentralised trading houses were displaced by the advent of a modern international immigration bureaucracy emanating from colonial South Africa. But it would be unwise to overstate this rupture: I then turn to the work of Lionel Curtis, who designed a centralised permit regime designed to suppress this trade in Despite Curtis's high hopes, formal record-keeping at many of South Africa's Immigration Offices remained in great disarray for perhaps another fifteen years.

As the second half of the chapter demonstrates, the bureaucratic rot attracted a variety of touts, agents and brokers — some working within the bureaucracy - with interests across the Indian Ocean rim. Merchant Migration in the southwest Indian Ocean to the late nineteenth century Transoceanic, independent merchant migration off the eastern coast of southern Africa was largely the preserve of South Asians. By the early twentieth century there were, globally, 6 Frederick Cooper, Africa since James Curry, , pp. For a variety of hotly debated reasons — trade liberalisation, ecological stress on the sub-continent, mercantilist aspiration, colonial neglect or, conversely, encouragement9 - this migration had accelerated rapidly in the second half of the nineteenth century Until the late nineteenth century, these migrants travelling to the south western Indian Ocean did so through their insertion into family trading units with far-reaching networks.

In response to hostile European imperial monopolies and competitive local rivalries, these 'families' engaged in a defensive extension of kinship, entered into strategic partnerships and recruited a wide range of commercial, domestic and spiritual staff from trusted pools. They circulated money, information and women within well-guarded networks.

Each community tended to provide its own migration infrastructure, ranging from port lodges and credit facilities to ocean-going vessels. They well understood the business of migration.

For all but the wealthiest who sat atop the system, long distance migration entailed relations of personal dependence, patronage and marriage, and access to credit, information and religious sanction provided by the 'big men' of the transnational houses and even those who moved within the more formal structures of empire, such as indenture or the civil service, did so through sirdar, kin-based networks of information, recruitment and remittance. Incumbent settler associations took great issue with urban Asian settlement. Indian Business in the Colonial Era Basingstoke: Palgrave MacMillan, , pp.

Indians in Mauritius, Oxford: Oxford University Press This argument, familiar across the Anglo-sphere, was taken up by the colonial intelligentsia who used the press to push lawmakers to target Asian commercial, political and residential interests. Refine more Format Format. Best Match Best Match. Items in search results. Format see all Format. All Listings filter applied. Condition see all Condition.

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