Uncategorized

Werke von Carl August Dempwolff (German Edition)

Wednesday, January 23, 2019Wednesday, January 23, 2019 admin

Your display name should be at least 2 characters long. At Kobo, we try to ensure that published reviews do not contain rude or profane language, spoilers, or any of our reviewer's personal information. You submitted the following rating and review. We'll publish them on our site once we've reviewed them. Item s unavailable for purchase. Please review your cart. You can remove the unavailable item s now or we'll automatically remove it at Checkout. Continue shopping Checkout Continue shopping. As Bastian envisioned it in the early s, the ideal ethnographic museum would contain material culture from all areas of the world and all periods of history.

But it would not be constructed to articulate pointed narratives. This design differed markedly from art museums, natural history museums, or even the colonial museums and exhibitions that gained popularity later in the century. Bastian sketched out this vision in his earliest writings on the museum,37 and he continued to press the position throughout his lifetime. Spemann, , 3. Spemann, , 7. Great expectations were tied to the creation of ethnographic museums. Reimer, , 4. Bastian and his assistants were concerned with the overcrowding in their rooms, halls, When the museum was divided off from the other Royal Collections in , it contained seven thousand items.

Archibald Constable and Company, Moreover, German and non-German visitors alike were beginning to assail them with criticism. The central problem was that by the turn of the century collecting had evolved from a means to an end. Possession, of course, had been at the heart of German ethnology from the very beginning. Consequently, the goal was to acquire as much empirical evidence as possible in the shortest amount of time.

This salvage mentality, along with the empirical need for material objects, led ethnologists to privilege collecting over everything else, including the itemizing, cataloging, and ordering of artifacts. This situation was further exacerbated by a keen sense of competition that led British ethnologists to protest that they were not keeping up with the Germans or ethnologists in Leipzig to complain that they were falling behind their counterparts in Hamburg or Berlin.

For all of these reasons, an overriding passion for possession dominated ethnology by the turn of the century, and the disorderly displays ethnologists had been tolerating as a temporary inconvenience eventually became a permanent condition. Adolph Bastian, Controversen in der Ethnologie Berlin: Weidmannsche Verlagsbuchhandlung, —94 , By the number of artifacts had quadrupled and sixty cabinets had been added to the display areas, but the size of the rooms had remained the same. Spemann, , Their new guidebooks no longer even attempted to maintain the pretense of a geographic arrangement.

Since artifacts from any given region were no longer grouped together or displayed in their proper locations, the guidebooks simply listed geographical areas and explained where different parts of various collections could be found. C II, a 12, vol. Cassirer, , 21— By , a dramatic generational shift was already under way in German ethnology and anthropology, and by it was essentially complete.

Nor, for that matter, were they any longer interested in placing the accumulation of empirical data above and beyond everything else, as Willy Foy, the young director of the new ethnographic museum that opened in Cologne in , made clear. These new contexts The directors of these museums were replaced by younger men who had completed both a doctoral degree and a Habilitation. Each was also closely connected to the local university or in the case of Hamburg the Colonial Institute once it was opened, and then the university when it was founded in None of the earlier directors had been habilitiert, only two had honorary Ph.

Foy made this explicit in his foreword to F. Graebner, Methode der Ethnologie Heidelberg: Carl Winter, , xv—xvi. In the context of the colonial heyday, this shift in orientation not only promised greater public resonance, but also more successful careers. Diffusionism, of course, was nothing new in University of Wisconsin Press, , On Frobenius and his place in German ethnology see, inter alia, Eike Haberland, ed.

Others, such as Graebner and Ankermann, were more circumspect Smith, Politics, For one example of rather aggressive rhetoric see W. Foy and Graebner in Graebner, Methode der Ethnologie, v. Indeed, even his critics recognized this point. Bastian refused to place diffusionist theories at the center of his project.

Farrar and Rinehart, , Frobenius took this rigidity to perhaps the greatest extreme. Stocking, After Tylor, Here, indeed, were orderly displays. Graebner, Methode der Ethnologie, 77— University of Chicago Press, , —, here While most German ethnologists took the diffusionist route, there were isolated voices that questioned the epistemological basis of the new approach. Dumont Schauberg, , Thus it is especially ethnology that provides colonial commerce with an essential service and offers the basis for colonial success. The most striking contrast between the museums in Berlin and Cologne, however, lay in the treatment of the general public.

See, for example, W. Foy, Rautenstrauch-Joest-Museum , 29— Finally, visitors were directed down the back stairwell to a collection from East Asia. Foy, Rautenstrauch-Joest-Museum , 45— Of course this did not happen immediately and did not encompass everyone. But the general transformation is clear. A view into the American Hall of the Cologne museum. As a result, they posited more stringent boundaries between peoples than Bastian had been willing to recognize; and they argued that progress arose from the mixing of different peoples until one group dominated. Graebner, Methode der Ethnologie, — Recently, Benoit Massin has argued that German physical anthropology experienced a similar transformation after Joan Vincent, Anthropology and Politics: University of Arizona Press, , Foy, Rautenstrauch-Joest-Museum , Nor does he explain the sudden shift in their most fundamental positions about what constitutes good science, or their new willingness to move toward an easy coexistence with colonialist goals and theories of race.

Indeed, external forces as much as theoretical concerns dictated the direction they would go. As the fate of the Berlin museum documents, this emphasis on acquisition over everything else led to the daunting growth of their collections and increased frustration with their museums. By the turn of the century, however, ethnologists had become too invested in these institutions to abandon them.

Indeed, it is worth bearing in mind that both Graebner and Ankermann had been trained in museums and continued to work in them throughout their careers. For a similar consideration of professionalization and geography see Cornelia Essner, Deutsche Afrikareisende im neunzehnten Jahrhundert: Zur Sozialgeschichte des Reisens Stuttgart: But I do want to stress the ways in which ethnographic museums were tied into the prestige politics of their respective municipalities.

Municipal governments and local elites had invested considerable sums in these institutions in the hopes of gaining the cultural capital associated with them. The directors of these museums had always been faced with a Faustian dilemma. By the turn of the century, however, the municipal bodies that supported these institutions became increasingly interested in public education, and when museums in general embraced pedagogy during this period, ethnographic museums were expected to conform—a task to which Foy, for instance, adapted very well.

This was an international movement toward education that stemmed to a large degree from the United States. It encompassed all kinds of museums but did not affect them all simultaneously. History, Theory, Politics London: As such, they were never meant to function like colonial museums or the displays at international exhibitions that were geared toward pointed instruction and spectacular entertainment.

To reorganize ethnographic museums as tools of instruction, Bastian warned in , would undermine the most fundamental principles of ethnology as a science. When those cabinets met with enthusiastic responses from visitors, he set up a series of temporary exhibits focused on particular themes such as methods of transportation and modes of industry among primitive cultures. Prior to the turn of the century, such concerns had been wholly absent from the correspondence of German museum directors; after , they became commonplace. At the meeting of the German Anthropological Society, he spoke to them about his experimental exhibits.

Berlin too was Spemann, , and 8th ed. Indeed, the displays were not actually reorganized until Indeed, even in during the new opening, the enthusiasm of the Prussian minister for science and education for the new Schausammlung was not mirrored in comments by F. Of Institutions and Legacies The transformation of German ethnology that took place around the turn of the century not only reveals a shift in the cultural capital of science, but highlights some of the limitations accompanying its institutionalization and professionalization.

In providing a space for the creation of a liberal humanist Gedankenstatistik, museums allowed Bastian and his German counterparts to pursue their ethnographic project in ways that would have been impossible in other institutions. As John Wesley Powell explained to Boas in , museums were ultimately public institutions, and the people who funded and visited them had their own interests and desires. Boas resisted this notion because of his association with the German liberal sciences and his conviction that ethnographic museums should be places for self-actualization and self-improvement, that is, Bildung, rather than Erziehung through the uncritical distribution of concepts and ideas.

At the same time, humanism went disciplinary in the late nineteenth century, and in the wake of that professionalization Humboldtian projects fell out of favor. Franz Boas had been confronted with the popularization of ethnology somewhat earlier than his fellow German scientists; and upon his immigration to the United States, he chafed under the debilitating power of public patronage in New York City and Washington, D.

Buy for others

Cole, Franz Boas, — Franz Boas, review of Graebner, Boundaries and Grounds of a Field Science, ed. Gupta and Ferguson Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, , 1— Indeed, it is clear that Boas himself could not have pursued his project in Germany. The need to maintain his professional position in the context of the changing cultural functions of German ethnographic museums would have made it impossible.

Ultimately, the construction of teleological theories of human history and the explicit articulation of cultural hierarchies were much more compatible with both romantic notions of Volk and the increasingly popular theories of race. Spectacles of Human Nature: Not only do they serve the specialist, who can examine the offerings with his expert eye.

Rather, they are also for the general public. Each display is a vivid, extremely useful book that reads itself, so to speak, to the visitor. By the turn of the century, such enthusiasms were not restricted to the realm of fantasy but rather were a prominent feature of German popular culture. Not only do travel writings attempt to provide us with accurate knowledge. Some enterprising men also bring natives from other regions of the world to our own country. Glenn Penny, for their helpful comments on earlier drafts of this essay. Touring through major European cities, this group of approximately one hundred Africans lived and appeared in these reconstructed settings, sometimes for months at a time.

During this period, commercial ethnography emerged as a sphere in which bourgeois interests and values, especially those of self-cultivation and national improvement, could be expressed. Helmut Coing et al. Anmerkungen zur Haeckel-Virchow-Kontroverse auf der Klett-Cotta, , — Studies in the history of science that examine science as a cultural phenomenon are few. Examples include Andreas Daum, Wissenschaftspopularisierung im Oldenbourg, ; Lynn K.

Akademie Verlag, , 22— Beck, , esp. Leisure and Recreation in the Rhineland and Westphalia London: Der Aufstieg der Massenkultur — Frankfurt am Main: Untersuchungen zum Wandel der Alltagskultur in Deutschland Wuppertal: As part of an exhibitionary tradition common in the second half of the nineteenth century, the shows replicated visual encyclopedias in which ethnographic artifacts and cultural performers were presented in museological form figs.

The impresarios who organized commercial ethnographic exhibitions were astute businessmen who recognized that the growing commercialization of the entertainment 5. Spectacles of Human Nature Fig. Karl Markus Kreis Private Collection. Changing appetites for the sensational, the exceptional, and the eccentric usually determined the content of commercial ethnography. Thus, the size and ethnic composition of the performing troupes as well as the featured ethnographic programs and dramatized presentations varied greatly.

As exhibition organizers responded to changing trends in the entertainment industry, for example, large-scale ethnographic displays with their replicated villages and imported animals grew in importance, overshadowing smaller traveling shows that featured only a handful of individuals. An Interdisciplinary Collection of Essays, ed.

Rader Verlag, , The following year, the Hagenbeck brothers together with Fritz Angerer similarly produced a successful show of Dualla from Fig. Meinecke, Deutschland und seine Kolonien, Encouraged by research expeditionists and often recognized travelers themselves, they tended to specialize in a geographical area and ethnic group. Joseph Menges who focused on troupes from North Africa and the Sudan , Fritz Angerer a businessman on the Gold Coast and organizer of a Cameroonian show , Carl Marquardt who showed primarily Samoans, but also organized three shows of African people , Eduard Gehring an organizer of exhibitions of various nomadic groups from Russia , and John Hagenbeck a specialist of East Indian productions all carved a geographic and economic niche 8.

Erlebnisse und Abenteuer im Tropenparadies Dresden: Spectacles of Human Nature for themselves that was recognized by the international entertainment industry as well as scholarly circles. Those individuals and troupes that traveled to Germany during the Wilhelminian period came from a myriad of cultures and continents and thus had drastically different experiences as cultural performers. They were usually at the mercy of the whims of their impresarios and often suffered from severe homesickness as well as diseases that sometimes even ended in death. Troupe members, in fact, had a very clear sense of the market value of their ethnographic skills and would not engage in shows at just any price.

Performers in the German Colonial Exhibition even bartered with impresarios over fair salaries for the troupe, and German contemporaries often commented—usually with disapproval—on the entrepreneurial abilities of the cultural performers. Such was the case in for the Herero chief Samuel Maherero, who met with Kaiser Wilhelm to discuss the fragile balance of power in German Southwest Africa. Other individuals joined traveling shows to establish contacts 9. Bruce center with his troupe of Togolanders, probably — Peter Lang, , Basler Afrike-Bibliographie, , University of North Carolina Press, , Furthermore, many impresarios participated in learned societies or published monographs on their regions of specialty.

Some produced narratives about their experiences as collectors of artifacts and organizers of ethnographic exhibitions, tracts that frequently read like travelogues. Indeed, travel experience served as an alternative to formal education and a kind of symbolic capital that some anthropologists did not have.

Newspaper accounts and brochures often reported visits by prominent scientists, reinforcing the notion that these events deserved the attention of all those who considered themselves educated. Moreover, endorsements from scientists were essential to the enter Indeed, this interaction between scientists and per The paragraphs that affected impresarios were 32 and 33 in the Reichs-Gesetzblatt Berlin, , Die glanzvolle Geschichte einer unterhaltenden Kunst Berlin: Edition Hentrich, , 63— For example, see the comments by the organizers of the Cairo Exhibition in Berlin und seine Arbeit: Dietrich Reimer, , Spectacles of Human Nature formers symbolized the power of the industrializing world, and impresarios made sure to market this as part of the show.

The customs and habits of people provide the best information about their cultural progress. With wonder, the Kulturmensch observes a Botokude family with wooden pieces in their earlobes and lower lips or a caravan of Wittu Negroes with their pelele and their exposed lower jaws. These are all rare pleasures for the Kulturmensch who is becoming ever more distanced from nature.

Despite his continued interests in commercial ethnography as a potential source for new subjects to examine, Virchow, along with other scholars, voiced his reservations and began more and more to examine his subjects in private. At the same time, scholars, the educated public, and the press became more vocal in their criticisms of ethnographic performances, decrying the commercial character of these undertakings. Popular ethnography came to be associated not with a cultivated milieu, but rather one in which bourgeois behavior had ceased to exist. But clearly the crowds of spectators—much like the scientists—came to be perceived as an element of the show.

Indeed, by the turn of the century, middle-class critics increasingly focused on the crowds and characterized them as an uneducated, schaulustige proletariat. Initiated by members of the German Colonial Society, formerly an important proponent of commercial ethnography, the discussion addressed concerns about the exploitative, unethical, and politically precarious character of the exhibitions. Bogden notes a similar development in the American amusement industries. Robert Bogden, Freak Show: University of Chicago Press, , 62— Exhibitions of natives arouse a feeling of embarrassment in all of us.

The way in which the European conducts himself at the exhibitions does not help to dismiss these doubts. Instead of European culture, the people [performers] take the opposite with them when they go home. In a memorandum issued in , the colonial association criticized this practice: The attraction of just observing indigenous people in their typical dress and customary jewelry surrounded by their weapons and tools, or even [the presentation of their] native dances is not enough to draw the spectator anymore.

Therefore, one turns to methods that are geared to titillate the masses to attend [the exhibitions]. The indigenous are dressed up so that they laugh at themselves and the gullible spectator, they are taught dances that they never knew before, and thus they deceive the public and simultaneously become corrupted. It is purely a slave trade. Rudolf Virchow had pointed to the dangers of this development as early as The introduction of wild natives from various lands has not stopped. Spectacles of Human Nature been quite shaken, since the reliable entrepreneurs like Herr Carl Hagenbeck have reduced their ventures.

By the turn of the century, neither respectable scientists nor members of the Exceptions are the Somali Show at the Crystal Palace in which he partially sponsored the impresario Joseph Menges, and the Berlin Industrial Fair, in which he hired two Eskimo to take care of the bears in his polar bear show.

In their view, the integrity of rational contemplation had been compromised. Instead, commercial ethnography had come to represent Schaulust, an undisciplined voyeurism that contradicted the characteristics of the gaze of the educated. They pushed the guard. Of course, they were quickly surrounded by a large crowd. Spectacles of Human Nature The escapade incited a frenzied search for the African performers on the part of both the exhibition security and the Berlin police.

By midnight, the police had managed to retrieve only fourteen of the eighteen men who had illicitly left the exhibition grounds. The remaining four did not turn up until the next morning, apparently having enjoyed the pubs and nightlife of Berlin. In addition to cries of outrage about the bumbling Berlin police, the heterogeneous middle-class press also highlighted the problems associated with this rubric of popular entertainment. Whether the audience—after watching the belly dancers, snake handlers, and the dramatized attack of Arab bandits—left the exhibition more informed of North African cultures or aware of their prescribed role in the civilizing mission is questionable.

Oxford University Press, ; and Wilhelm E. Cambridge University Press, , — As it turned out, a number of German women had avidly joined the liberated North Africans in the streets of Berlin. The report mentions that servant girls and youth were an exception to this rule Ibid. Deutscher Biographischer Index, 2d ed. Saur, , 7: Nun ka[u]ern wieder sie vereint Im Hottentottenkrale Und unsere Damenwelt beweint: A verbatim translation of the German poem follows: Ein Beitrag zur literarischen Imagologie Schwarzafrikas Berlin: Spectacles of Human Nature were much shriller than at the turn of the century and were bound up with growing concerns about public behavior and mass culture in general.

At worst, it behaved instinctually, irrationally, and shamefully, and its comportment could be read as a direct rejection of middle-class norms. Hence, the sphere of commercial ethnography came to be construed as a genuine threat to bourgeois progress and national well-being. The ways in which these criticisms shifted from the performances to German society also reveal that during the An extensive analysis of the gendered dimension of the rhetoric of commercial ethnography is beyond the scope of this essay.

University of North Carolina Press, Instead, the new brochures moved away from an effort at teaching spectators how to see, describing instead what the observer should see, smell, and hear. Spectators were no longer encouraged to participate as critical observers but rather were animated to lose themselves in the event. It was this shift in visual consumption and spectatorship—a shift that had already been under way during the last part of the nineteenth century—that incurred the wrathful charges that the commercial ethnographic exhibition had become a realm of Schaulust, or ogling voyeurism, rather than popular education.

Spectacles of Human Nature of the strangers nor the oftentimes greatly differentiated structures of their houses and the like. The masses also constructed the spectacle. Commercial ethnography asserted the theatricality of its performers as well as the role of the spectators—both at the exhibition and through the press—as part of the representation itself.

In conclusion, the sensationalizing of commercial ethnography indicates that the gaze of the educated middle-class had been largely discarded for one that emphasized consumption over contemplation. Here, both scientists and the public could observe their non-European counterparts and draw conclusions about similarities and differences. It was also the perception that commercial ethnography had come to be marketed for a proletarian Schaulust and a consuming rather than contemplative gaze. One of the The literature on consumption and the displays of department stores is extensive.

See Rosalind Williams, Dream Worlds: Bourgeois Culture and the Department Store, — Princeton: Moreover, preconceived distinctions between the German spectators and their African counterparts onstage were obscured. If you look a little more closely at the faces of these [African] people during their performance, you begin to feel truly uneasy.

The superior smile of the Arabian and the sneering grin of the Negro say quite frankly: Adventures in the Skin Trade: German Anthropology and Colonial Corporeality ANDREW ZIMMERMAN Now that we have become a seafaring people and have increased our colonies with great speed, we are compelled to deal with our new compatriots, to bring ourselves into an intellectual geistige relationship with them, and to learn to appreciate them, at least with respect to their heads and brains. I follow, among others, Louis Althusser in regarding chronological accounts of cause and effect as inadequate to the logic of social formations.

I am thus interested in how anthropology formed part of a larger imperialist social formation, rather than in determining whether anthropology was a cause or an effect of this formation. The routes by which the bodies of non-Europeans were made accessible to anthropological knowledge in Germany show the practical interdependence of physical anthropology and colonial rule.

Before considering these routes I will describe the basic project of physical anthropology in Germany, with a look at the bodily relations of knowledge in techniques of measurement and representation. In the nineteenth century there were many competing uses of the terms. Anthropologie could mean a philosophical discussion of the general nature of humankind or an anatomical, materialist discussion of the human body. Ethnologie referred to a broader study of ethnic groups.

Because the best-remembered theorist of German Ethnologie, Adolf Bastian, did not pursue craniometry, it is commonly held that Ethnologie excluded the physical studies I discuss in this essay. Although Bastian was personally less interested in bones than in artifacts, he did not wish to restrict his colleagues to following his individual research interests. University of Wisconsin Press, , 79—; Robert N. For the argument that there was a shift from liberalism to ethnocentric imperialism in German anthropology, see Woodruff D.

It was also a feature of colonial politics, which denied non-Europeans full subjectivity and therefore full sovereignty. As I argued in my Anthropology and Antihumanism in Imperial Germany, the anthropological challenge to humanism and the humanities was part of a larger reorientation of German 5.

The relationship between anthropology and imperialism has received such extensive and varied treatment that no note could adequately summarize it. My own view of this relationship has been shaped primarily by three authors, Talal Asad, Edward Said, and Nicholas Thomas. Asad has cautioned that the relationship between anthropology and colonialism is complex and often contradictory, and is not exhausted merely by understanding the varying opinions anthropologists held about colonial rule.

Humanities Press, , Finally, Nicholas Thomas has pointed out the importance of relations of exchange and cultures of objects in the construction of cultures and practices of colonialism. Harvard University Press, Adventures in the Skin Trade society marked by the growth of urban mass culture, ideologically driven natural science, and European imperialism.

Since history must constantly orbit in narrow circles around the center of its own national consciousness Volksbewusstsein it can never escape subjectivity, neither in its subject matter nor in relation to the historian himself. As a more secure source of knowledge about the human past 7. Emil Felber, , Anthropologists based this objective study not on analyses of supposedly typical or representative objects but rather on massive collections that they endeavored to assemble in Germany.

At the most basic level, colonial sovereignty presupposed that the inhabitants of the colonies were not legislative agents in the same sense as inhabitants of the metropole. Michel Foucault, Discipline and Punish: The Birth of the Prison, trans. Alan Sheridan New York: Vintage Books, , Colonial Power and African Illness Cambridge: Adventures in the Skin Trade grant political subjectivity was invariably overlaid with, and legitimated by, an ethnocentrism that denied non-Europeans full humanity.

German anthropology advanced one of the most blatant forms such denial could take: Problems of the Flesh: The paradox of anthropology as a natural science of humanity was that its attempts to grasp historical human subjects as ahistorical, natural objects depended upon numerous intersubjective negotiations and historical interventions. At least in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, the physical anthropological object was a coproduction of colonizers and colonized, enabled by the history of European imperialism.

The most common—and, for anthropologists, least satisfactory— physical anthropological objects were representations such as pho They included these societies, they explained, because they were traditionally ignored by academic humanists and expected that one day they would be recognized as disciplines separate from anthropology. Photographs provided anthropologists with a fairly easily obtainable, and apparently objective, representation of the people they studied. Even if a photographer could persuade an individual to be photographed, the subject often refused to remove his or her clothing, which obscured the anthropometric dimensions.

Thus, on a trip to South Africa, Gustav Fritsch, perhaps the greatest proponent of anthropological photography, found that even those people he could convince to stand before his camera were not always willing to undress: The desired goal regarding disrobing could not always be reached, in that various circumstances imposed themselves on the process. In very few cases was it the feeling of shame that one had to combat, but rather, especially among the chiefs and the students of the mission schools, extraordinary pride in the rags that civilization had hung on them, and those who are clothed often appear in European dress.

Dammann, ZfE 6 Adventures in the Skin Trade Anthropologists had no access to individuals outside the ordinary channels of colonial government. Anthropometric measurements, provided they were taken by a trustworthy individual, gave anthropologists more useful data than photography. Measurements of a living individual obviously did not present the same problems of distorted proportions that photography did. Georg von Neumayer, 3d ed.

Jews and Judaism: Oxford Bibliographies Online Research Guide (Oxford Bibliographies Online Research Guides)?
Die Humoristen der Fliegenden Blätter by Carl August Dempwolff on Apple Books.
Burning Tigress (The Way of The Tigress, Book 4).
Build Your Own AK (Vol. I): Headspacing & Virgin Barrel Population.
The Air Campaign.
Democracia (Volumen independiente) (Spanish Edition).

For example, Luschan recommended avoiding measurements that required subjects to remove all of their clothes, since many people refused to be measured if they had to be naked. Dietrich Reimer, , 9. They are driven by curiosity about their strength to submit willingly to the entire procedure of anthropological evaluation. Vieweg, , On anthropological interest in hands and feet, see S. If the plaster was adulterated with lime, as it occasionally was, the process could cause serious burns.

Anthropological data not only relied upon, but also legitimized, the unequal power relations of colonialism. This may help explain the enthusiastic participation of the German navy in anthropology. Litteraturarchiv-Gesellschaft, , 47— Original in NL Virchow. Homeyer and Meyer, , 2. Anthropology may have found such enthusiastic cooperation in the navy because it gave a certain dignity to forms of colonial corporeality already practiced by sailors. Photography, the measurement of living subjects, and plaster casting all sought to render human subjects as objects.

These representational techniques also lacked the precision anthropologists desired, for none of them gave access to skeletal dimensions. The dead could not resist anthropology, and their bodies presented a kind of direct access to objective humanity, unmediated by any representational technique. The Skin Trade The corpse was in many ways a perfection of anthropological evidence voided of subjectivity. This impression informed, for example, A. Virchow, Bastian, et al. Adventures in the Skin Trade and collected in ways that living humans could not. Anthropologists tightened their measuring calipers as much as possible to get to the dimensions of bones, but the pain of accurate measurement limited the extent to which this technique could be employed.

It was not simply that colonialism made anthropology possible, but rather that both colonial rule and anthropology worked together to create a corporeality that was fundamental to each. Rudolf Virchow, the head of the German and the Berlin Anthropological Societies, and Felix von Luschan, the curator of the African and Oceanic collections of the Berlin Museum of Ethnology, were the two most important collectors of physical anthropological objects in Germany.

A corporeality that was also fundamental to medicine. It was no accident that the majority of anthropologists were medical doctors. On the connection between anthropology, medicine, race, and genocide, see Weindling, Health, Race; and Robert N. Medicine under the Nazis Cambridge: Georg von Neumayer Berlin: Fiedermutz-Laun, Kulturhistorischen Gedanken bei Bastian, , Such an institution, he argued, would allow ethnologists to assemble the broadest possible collections of material culture, thereby facilitating the most effective comparative analysis.

As Bastian envisioned it in the early s, the ideal ethnographic museum would contain material culture from all areas of the world and all periods of history. But it would not be constructed to articulate pointed narratives. This design differed markedly from art museums, natural history museums, or even the colonial museums and exhibitions that gained popularity later in the century. Bastian sketched out this vision in his earliest writings on the museum,37 and he continued to press the position throughout his lifetime. Spemann, , 3.

Spemann, , 7. Great expectations were tied to the creation of ethnographic museums. Reimer, , 4. Bastian and his assistants were concerned with the overcrowding in their rooms, halls, When the museum was divided off from the other Royal Collections in , it contained seven thousand items. Archibald Constable and Company, Moreover, German and non-German visitors alike were beginning to assail them with criticism. The central problem was that by the turn of the century collecting had evolved from a means to an end.

Possession, of course, had been at the heart of German ethnology from the very beginning. Consequently, the goal was to acquire as much empirical evidence as possible in the shortest amount of time. This salvage mentality, along with the empirical need for material objects, led ethnologists to privilege collecting over everything else, including the itemizing, cataloging, and ordering of artifacts. This situation was further exacerbated by a keen sense of competition that led British ethnologists to protest that they were not keeping up with the Germans or ethnologists in Leipzig to complain that they were falling behind their counterparts in Hamburg or Berlin.

Spemann, , Their new guidebooks no longer even attempted to maintain the pretense of a geographic arrangement. Since artifacts from any given region were no longer grouped together or displayed in their proper locations, the guidebooks simply listed geographical areas and explained where different parts of various collections could be found. C II, a 12, vol. Cassirer, , 21— By , a dramatic generational shift was already under way in German ethnology and anthropology, and by it was essentially complete.

Stocking, After Tylor, Here, indeed, were orderly displays. Graebner, Methode der Ethnologie, 77— University of Chicago Press, , —, here While most German ethnologists took the diffusionist route, there were isolated voices that questioned the epistemological basis of the new approach. Dumont Schauberg, , Thus it is especially ethnology that provides colonial commerce with an essential service and offers the basis for colonial success. The most striking contrast between the museums in Berlin and Cologne, however, lay in the treatment of the general public.

Graebner, Methode der Ethnologie, — Recently, Benoit Massin has argued that German physical anthropology experienced a similar transformation after Joan Vincent, Anthropology and Politics: University of Arizona Press, , Foy, Rautenstrauch-Joest-Museum , Bastian, or one of their students, were so willing to abandon their liberal humanism. Nor does he explain the sudden shift in their most fundamental positions about what constitutes good science, or their new willingness to move toward an easy coexistence with colonialist goals and theories of race.

By the turn of the century, however, ethnologists had become too invested in these institutions to abandon them. Indeed, it is worth bearing in mind that both Graebner and Ankermann had been trained in museums and continued to work in them throughout their careers. For a similar consideration of professionalization and geography see Cornelia Essner, Deutsche Afrikareisende im neunzehnten Jahrhundert: Zur Sozialgeschichte des Reisens Stuttgart: But I do want to stress the ways in which ethnographic museums were tied into the prestige politics of their respective municipalities.

Schultheiß, Albrecht

It encompassed all kinds of museums but did not affect them all simultaneously. History, Theory, Politics London: As such, they were never meant to function like colonial museums or the displays at international exhibitions that were geared toward pointed instruction and spectacular entertainment. To reorganize ethnographic museums as tools of instruction, Bastian warned in , would undermine the most fundamental principles of ethnology as a science. When those cabinets met with enthusiastic responses from visitors, he set up a series of temporary exhibits focused on particular themes such as methods of transportation and modes of industry among primitive cultures.

Prior to the turn of the century, such concerns had been wholly absent from the correspondence of German museum directors; after , they became commonplace. At the meeting of the German Anthropological Society, he spoke to them about his experimental exhibits. Berlin too was Spemann, , and 8th ed.

Indeed, the displays were not actually reorganized until Indeed, even in during the new opening, the enthusiasm of the Prussian minister for science and education for the new Schausammlung was not mirrored in comments by F. Of Institutions and Legacies The transformation of German ethnology that took place around the turn of the century not only reveals a shift in the cultural capital of science, but highlights some of the limitations accompanying its institutionalization and professionalization.

Boas resisted this notion because of his association with the German liberal sciences and his conviction that ethnographic museums should be places for self-actualization and self-improvement, that is, Bildung, rather than Erziehung through the uncritical distribution of concepts and ideas. At the same time, humanism went disciplinary in the late nineteenth century, and in the wake of that professionalization Humboldtian projects fell out of favor. Franz Boas had been confronted with the popularization of ethnology somewhat earlier than his fellow German scientists; and upon his immigration to the United States, he chafed under the debilitating power of public patronage in New York City and Washington, D.

Eventually, however, he was able to retreat into the institutional setting of the American academy. But while he freed it from the limitations of the museum setting, his commitment to inductive empiricism never wavered. Cole, Franz Boas, — Franz Boas, review of Graebner, Boundaries and Grounds of a Field Science, ed.

Gupta and Ferguson Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, , 1— Indeed, it is clear that Boas himself could not have pursued his project in Germany. The need to maintain his professional position in the context of the changing cultural functions of German ethnographic museums would have made it impossible. Ultimately, the construction of teleological theories of human history and the explicit articulation of cultural hierarchies were much more compatible with both romantic notions of Volk and the increasingly popular theories of race.

They are recurring educational establishments in the best sense. Not only do they serve the specialist, who can examine the offerings with his expert eye. Rather, they are also for the general public. Each display is a vivid, extremely useful book that reads itself, so to speak, to the visitor. By the turn of the century, such enthusiasms were not restricted to the realm of fantasy but rather were a prominent feature of German popular culture. Not only do travel writings attempt to provide us with accurate knowledge. Some enterprising men also bring natives from other regions of the world to our own country.

Glenn Penny, for their helpful comments on earlier drafts of this essay. Thus, with ease—and without strenuous toil—we can acquaint ourselves with a variety of human specimens. Touring through major European cities, this group of approximately one hundred Africans lived and appeared in these reconstructed settings, sometimes for months at a time.

Leisure and Recreation in the Rhineland and Westphalia London: Der Aufstieg der Massenkultur — Frankfurt am Main: Untersuchungen zum Wandel der Alltagskultur in Deutschland Wuppertal: As part of an exhibitionary tradition common in the second half of the nineteenth century, the shows replicated visual encyclopedias in which ethnographic artifacts and cultural performers were presented in museological form figs.

The impresarios who organized commercial ethnographic exhibitions were astute businessmen who recognized that the growing commercialization of the entertainment 5. Karl Markus Kreis Private Collection. Changing appetites for the sensational, the exceptional, and the eccentric usually determined the content of commercial ethnography. Thus, the size and ethnic composition of the performing troupes as well as the featured ethnographic programs and dramatized presentations varied greatly. As exhibition organizers responded to changing trends in the entertainment industry, for example, large-scale ethnographic displays with their replicated villages and imported animals grew in importance, overshadowing smaller traveling shows that featured only a handful of individuals.

An Interdisciplinary Collection of Essays, ed. Rader Verlag, , The following year, the Hagenbeck brothers together with Fritz Angerer similarly produced a successful show of Dualla from. Meinecke, Deutschland und seine Kolonien, Encouraged by research expeditionists and often recognized travelers themselves, they tended to specialize in a geographical area and ethnic group. Joseph Menges who focused on troupes from North Africa and the Sudan , Fritz Angerer a businessman on the Gold Coast and organizer of a Cameroonian show , Carl Marquardt who showed primarily Samoans, but also organized three shows of African people , Eduard Gehring an organizer of exhibitions of various nomadic groups from Russia , and John Hagenbeck a specialist of East Indian productions all carved a geographic and economic niche 8.

Erlebnisse und Abenteuer im Tropenparadies Dresden: Those individuals and troupes that traveled to Germany during the Wilhelminian period came from a myriad of cultures and continents and thus had drastically different experiences as cultural performers. They were usually at the mercy of the whims of their impresarios and often suffered from severe homesickness as well as diseases that sometimes even ended in death. Troupe members, in fact, had a very clear sense of the market value of their ethnographic skills and would not engage in shows at just any price. Performers in the German Colonial Exhibition even bartered with impresarios over fair salaries for the troupe, and German contemporaries often commented—usually with disapproval—on the entrepreneurial abilities of the cultural performers.

Such was the case in for the Herero chief Samuel Maherero, who met with Kaiser Wilhelm to discuss the fragile balance of power in German Southwest Africa.

Gastrointestinal and Liver Tumors.
Debt-Proof Living: How to Get Out of Debt & Stay That Way.
Join Kobo & start eReading today.
More titles to consider.

Other individuals joined traveling shows to establish contacts 9. Bruce center with his troupe of Togolanders, probably — Peter Lang, , Basler Afrike-Bibliographie, , University of North Carolina Press, , Furthermore, many impresarios participated in learned societies or published monographs on their regions of specialty. Some produced narratives about their experiences as collectors of artifacts and organizers of ethnographic exhibitions, tracts that frequently read like travelogues.

Indeed, travel experience served as an alternative to formal education and a kind of symbolic capital that some anthropologists did not have. Newspaper accounts and brochures often reported visits by prominent scientists, reinforcing the notion that these events deserved the attention of all those who considered themselves educated. Moreover, endorsements from scientists were essential to the enter Indeed, this interaction between scientists and per The paragraphs that affected impresarios were 32 and 33 in the Reichs-Gesetzblatt Berlin, , Die glanzvolle Geschichte einer unterhaltenden Kunst Berlin: Edition Hentrich, , 63— For example, see the comments by the organizers of the Cairo Exhibition in Berlin und seine Arbeit: Dietrich Reimer, , The customs and habits of people provide the best information about their cultural progress.

With wonder, the Kulturmensch observes a Botokude family with wooden pieces in their earlobes and lower lips or a caravan of Wittu Negroes with their pelele and their exposed lower jaws. These are all rare pleasures for the Kulturmensch who is becoming ever more distanced from nature. Despite his continued interests in commercial ethnography as a potential source for new subjects to examine, Virchow, along with other scholars, voiced his reservations and began more and more to examine his subjects in private.

At the same time, scholars, the educated public, and the press became more vocal in their criticisms of ethnographic performances, decrying the commercial character of these undertakings. Popular ethnography came to be associated not with a cultivated milieu, but rather one in which bourgeois behavior had ceased to exist. But clearly the crowds of spectators—much like the scientists—came to be perceived as an element of the show. Indeed, by the turn of the century, middle-class critics increasingly focused on the crowds and characterized them as an uneducated, schaulustige proletariat.

Initiated by members of the German Colonial Society, formerly an important proponent of commercial ethnography, the discussion addressed concerns about the exploitative, unethical, and politically precarious character of the exhibitions. Bogden notes a similar development in the American amusement industries. Robert Bogden, Freak Show: University of Chicago Press, , 62— Exhibitions of natives arouse a feeling of embarrassment in all of us.

The way in which the European conducts himself at the exhibitions does not help to dismiss these doubts.

iTunes is the world's easiest way to organize and add to your digital media collection.

Instead of European culture, the people [performers] take the opposite with them when they go home. In a memorandum issued in , the colonial association criticized this practice: The attraction of just observing indigenous people in their typical dress and customary jewelry surrounded by their weapons and tools, or even [the presentation of their] native dances is not enough to draw the spectator anymore.

Rudolf Virchow had pointed to the dangers of this development as early as The introduction of wild natives from various lands has not stopped. By the turn of the century, neither respectable scientists nor members of the Exceptions are the Somali Show at the Crystal Palace in which he partially sponsored the impresario Joseph Menges, and the Berlin Industrial Fair, in which he hired two Eskimo to take care of the bears in his polar bear show.

In their view, the integrity of rational contemplation had been compromised. Instead, commercial ethnography had come to represent Schaulust, an undisciplined voyeurism that contradicted the characteristics of the gaze of the educated. They pushed the guard. Of course, they were quickly surrounded by a large crowd. The escapade incited a frenzied search for the African performers on the part of both the exhibition security and the Berlin police. By midnight, the police had managed to retrieve only fourteen of the eighteen men who had illicitly left the exhibition grounds.

Unsere digitalisierten Werke alphabetisch nach den Namen ihrer Verfasser - Dyce, Alexander

The remaining four did not turn up until the next morning, apparently having enjoyed the pubs and nightlife of Berlin. In addition to cries of outrage about the bumbling Berlin police, the heterogeneous middle-class press also highlighted the problems associated with this rubric of popular entertainment.

Whether the audience—after watching the belly dancers, snake handlers, and the dramatized attack of Arab bandits—left the exhibition more informed of North African cultures or aware of their prescribed role in the civilizing mission is questionable. Oxford University Press, ; and Wilhelm E. Cambridge University Press, , — As it turned out, a number of German women had avidly joined the liberated North Africans in the streets of Berlin. The report mentions that servant girls and youth were an exception to this rule Ibid.

Deutscher Biographischer Index, 2d ed. Saur, , 7: Nun ka[u]ern wieder sie vereint Im Hottentottenkrale Und unsere Damenwelt beweint: A verbatim translation of the German poem follows: Ein Beitrag zur literarischen Imagologie Schwarzafrikas Berlin: At worst, it behaved instinctually, irrationally, and shamefully, and its comportment could be read as a direct rejection of middle-class norms. Hence, the sphere of commercial ethnography came to be construed as a genuine threat to bourgeois progress and national well-being. The ways in which these criticisms shifted from the performances to German society also reveal that during the An extensive analysis of the gendered dimension of the rhetoric of commercial ethnography is beyond the scope of this essay.

The masses also constructed the spectacle. Commercial ethnography asserted the theatricality of its performers as well as the role of the spectators—both at the exhibition and through the press—as part of the representation itself. In conclusion, the sensationalizing of commercial ethnography indicates that the gaze of the educated middle-class had been largely discarded for one that emphasized consumption over contemplation. Here, both scientists and the public could observe their non-European counterparts and draw conclusions about similarities and differences.

It was also the perception that commercial ethnography had come to be marketed for a proletarian Schaulust and a consuming rather than contemplative gaze. One of the The literature on consumption and the displays of department stores is extensive. See Rosalind Williams, Dream Worlds: Bourgeois Culture and the Department Store, — Princeton: Moreover, preconceived distinctions between the German spectators and their African counterparts onstage were obscured. If you look a little more closely at the faces of these [African] people during their performance, you begin to feel truly uneasy.

The superior smile of the Arabian and the sneering grin of the Negro say quite frankly: Now that we have become a seafaring people and have increased our colonies with great speed, we are compelled to deal with our new compatriots, to bring ourselves into an intellectual geistige relationship with them, and to learn to appreciate them, at least with respect to their heads and brains. German physical anthropology was not only a science and an ideology but also one of the practical regimes that sustained, and were sustained by, European colonial rule.

I follow, among others, Louis Althusser in regarding chronological accounts of cause and effect as inadequate to the logic of social formations. I am thus interested in how anthropology formed part of a larger imperialist social formation, rather than in determining whether anthropology was a cause or an effect of this formation. Before the First World War, the disciplinary terminology of German anthropology.

The routes by which the bodies of non-Europeans were made accessible to anthropological knowledge in Germany show the practical interdependence of physical anthropology and colonial rule. Before considering these routes I will describe the basic project of physical anthropology in Germany, with a look at the bodily relations of knowledge in techniques of measurement and representation.

In the nineteenth century there were many competing uses of the terms. Anthropologie could mean a philosophical discussion of the general nature of humankind or an anatomical, materialist discussion of the human body. Ethnologie referred to a broader study of ethnic groups. Because the best-remembered theorist of German Ethnologie, Adolf Bastian, did not pursue craniometry, it is commonly held that Ethnologie excluded the physical studies I discuss in this essay.

Although Bastian was personally less interested in bones than in artifacts, he did not wish to restrict his colleagues to following his individual research interests. University of Wisconsin Press, , 79—; Robert N. For the argument that there was a shift from liberalism to ethnocentric imperialism in German anthropology, see Woodruff D. It was also a feature of colonial politics, which denied non-Europeans full subjectivity and therefore full sovereignty. As I argued in my Anthropology and Antihumanism in Imperial Germany, the anthropological challenge to humanism and the humanities was part of a larger reorientation of German 5.

Walter Zimmermann - Phran

Harvard University Press, Since history must constantly orbit in narrow circles around the center of its own national consciousness Volksbewusstsein it can never escape subjectivity, neither in its subject matter nor in relation to the historian himself. As a more secure source of knowledge about the human past 7. Emil Felber, , Anthropologists based this objective study not on analyses of supposedly typical or representative objects but rather on massive collections that they endeavored to assemble in Germany.

At the most basic level, colonial sovereignty presupposed that the inhabitants of the colonies were not legislative agents in the same sense as inhabitants of the metropole. Michel Foucault, Discipline and Punish: The Birth of the Prison, trans. Alan Sheridan New York: Vintage Books, , Colonial Power and African Illness Cambridge: German anthropology advanced one of the most blatant forms such denial could take: Problems of the Flesh: The paradox of anthropology as a natural science of humanity was that its attempts to grasp historical human subjects as ahistorical, natural objects depended upon numerous intersubjective negotiations and historical interventions.

At least in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, the physical anthropological object was a coproduction of colonizers and colonized, enabled by the history of European imperialism. The most common—and, for anthropologists, least satisfactory— physical anthropological objects were representations such as pho They included these societies, they explained, because they were traditionally ignored by academic humanists and expected that one day they would be recognized as disciplines separate from anthropology.

Photographs provided anthropologists with a fairly easily obtainable, and apparently objective, representation of the people they studied. Even if a photographer could persuade an individual to be photographed, the subject often refused to remove his or her clothing, which obscured the anthropometric dimensions. Thus, on a trip to South Africa, Gustav Fritsch, perhaps the greatest proponent of anthropological photography, found that even those people he could convince to stand before his camera were not always willing to undress: The desired goal regarding disrobing could not always be reached, in that various circumstances imposed themselves on the process.

In very few cases was it the feeling of shame that one had to combat, but rather, especially among the chiefs and the students of the mission schools, extraordinary pride in the rags that civilization had hung on them, and those who are clothed often appear in European dress. Dammann, ZfE 6 Anthropologists had no access to individuals outside the ordinary channels of colonial government. Anthropometric measurements, provided they were taken by a trustworthy individual, gave anthropologists more useful data than photography. Measurements of a living individual obviously did not present the same problems of distorted proportions that photography did.

Georg von Neumayer, 3d ed. For example, Luschan recommended avoiding measurements that required subjects to remove all of their clothes, since many people refused to be measured if they had to be naked. Dietrich Reimer, , 9. They are driven by curiosity about their strength to submit willingly to the entire procedure of anthropological evaluation. Vieweg, , On anthropological interest in hands and feet, see S. If the plaster was adulterated with lime, as it occasionally was, the process could cause serious burns.

Photography, the measurement of living subjects, and plaster casting all sought to render human subjects as objects. These representational techniques also lacked the precision anthropologists desired, for none of them gave access to skeletal dimensions. The dead could not resist anthropology, and their bodies presented a kind of direct access to objective humanity, unmediated by any representational technique.

The Skin Trade The corpse was in many ways a perfection of anthropological evidence voided of subjectivity. This impression informed, for example, A. Virchow, Bastian, et al. Anthropologists tightened their measuring calipers as much as possible to get to the dimensions of bones, but the pain of accurate measurement limited the extent to which this technique could be employed. It was not simply that colonialism made anthropology possible, but rather that both colonial rule and anthropology worked together to create a corporeality that was fundamental to each.

Rudolf Virchow, the head of the German and the Berlin Anthropological Societies, and Felix von Luschan, the curator of the African and Oceanic collections of the Berlin Museum of Ethnology, were the two most important collectors of physical anthropological objects in Germany. A corporeality that was also fundamental to medicine. It was no accident that the majority of anthropologists were medical doctors. On the connection between anthropology, medicine, race, and genocide, see Weindling, Health, Race; and Robert N. Medicine under the Nazis Cambridge: Georg von Neumayer Berlin: Verlag von Robert Oppenheimer, , — In the collection of the Berlin Anthropological Society there were envelopes, test tubes, and cigar boxes full of hair, all labeled according to origin.

This was a common practice among travelers collecting for anthropological purposes, who often covertly exhumed corpses and shipped them to Berlin. In an article about the Coroados of Brazil, for example, the anthropologist Rheinhold Hensel expressed regret that he could only collect the skulls, but not the entire skeletons, from graves that he opened.

Meyer attempted to purchase skulls from the inhabitants of areas he visited. When he could not buy them, he stole them. Rudolf Virchow with skull, by Hans Fechner, Tilmann Buddensieg et al.