Bewusstsein: Beobachte, ohne zu urteilen (German Edition)

Frage in die Runde: Der ein oder andere von euch hat vielleicht selbst schon mal eine Freundschaftsanfrage von unbekannten bekommen. Es gibt jedoch auch Accounts die sehr lange aufrecht erhalten werden und die mehrere Freunde haben. Wer genau steckt dahinter und was sind deren Motive? Ist das die Nigeria Connection? Wer betreibt den recht hohen Aufwand solche Accounts zu verwalten und warum. Ich kann mir nicht vorstellen das da allzu viel Geld dahinter steckt.

Zumindest entspricht dies meiner qualitativen Wahrnehmung. Findet jemand die Rechtsform heraus? Weder im Artikel noch unter http: Mehr oder weniger reale oder fiktive Beispiele: Darf Japan die Und jetzt die Frage: Und noch eine andere Frage: Wieso sind die sterblich? Das ist doch irgendwie absurd.

Vielleicht mag einer der Spezialisten? Wenn ich diese Grafik richtig interpretiere, ist das ein dummer Ausdruck aus der Neuzeit, der wahrscheinlich erst durch Zeitungen entstanden ist. Raschauer, Allgemeines Verwaltungsrecht 4 Rz Leider wird dies jedoch nirgendwo genauer definiert. Zum Teil auf Kompaktkassette. Was im Artikel zu ihm steht ist mir bekannt. Ich meine auch nicht Tonausschnitte, wie sie auf youtube zu finden sind. Wie geht das auf Windows?

Kann jemand was zu den Turners sagen? Soll man sie in den Artikeln einbauen? Le Duc de Deux-Ponts Diskussion Ersetze diesen Abschnitt durch eine konkrete Frage, auf die du weder in den Artikeln hier noch mithilfe einer Suchmaschine eine Antwort finden kannst. Es ist mir klar, dass der Sultan keine Empfehlung abgegeben hat. Mir ist unklar wie die drei Namensbestandteile von Kasim Nuhu bzw. Kasim Adams Nuhu am besten gehandhabt werden:.

Im Handbuch steht nur, dass man nicht weiterfahren darf, wenn die Leuchte blinkt. Ist konstantes Leuchten der Normalzustand? Oder sollte die Leuchte normalerweise aus sein und hat das Leuchten etwas zu bedeuten?

Osho (1931–1990)

Was ist ein Beerbter? Der Begriff wird in dieser Monographie mehrfach verwendet. Was habe ich mir darunter vorzustellen? Sind alle drei Varianten akzeptabel? Letzte Fassung von ??? Hat jemand einen Link oder eine pdf? Vielen Dank im Voraus! Es lief noch Firefox Version 54, vorher wurde aber auf 55 upgedatet. Wie dem auch sei, die Datei lazarus. Ich habe mich von unserem Artikel Laser bis zu en: Laser safety durchgeklickt und mir ist immernoch nicht klar, was bei diesen Laserklassen gemeint ist: Kann ich einen KlasseLaser problemlos ins Auge gestrahlt bekommen? Rolz-Reus Tablett Diskussion Und was hat das ganze mit dem "Wolfsburger Kombinat" zu tun?

Auskunft zum Diskussionsforum umzugestalten. Ich setze die Erle in der Hoffnung auf Einsicht Eurerseits. Ich glaube, dass Apraphul nur das Intro sehr eng auslegt Oder haben sie keine Alternative angeboten? Und was wurde daraus, nachdem die Wiedervereinigung erfolgt war? Zur Not machst du halt einen Unterabschnitt Tue es - verschiebe es!

Ich setze die wieder ein. Lass Dich bitte nicht von Anderen, die hier in der WP: Das wollten sie ja bestimmt nicht, sie meinten sicher irgendetwas zwischen Kapitalismus und Sozialismus. Wie sollte so etwas aussehen? This belief in two enemies probably is going to be welcomed by Larry Silverstein, the builder who by mouth alone, has made it appear that he owns the land, the buildings, the sky above and the water below. He contends that they were two separate attacks, one on Tower One, a second on Tower Two. Therefore, he wants to be paid double.

The insurance companies involved are inclined to do battle. Perhaps there was a chance in the freezing air yesterday. Published on Tuesday, December 16, by CommonDreams. Davis Like a figure you love to hate in Wrestlemania operas, Saddam is a pumped-up hyped reality whose intense wattage is useful to the extent that it gives a patina of heroism to the very people who have given him his star status on the international stage.

His resume is downloaded daily — hourly — so that his capture gives honor and morality to the immoral and the dishonorable. Saddam was a symptom caused by a condition. The condition remains - the symptoms will change names and locations — and the likes of Bush will dress themselves in white and mount the military like a mighty steed and sally forth to distinguish themselves by conquering the reality they themselves helped to create.

The war and occupation lay the groundwork for the next Saddam. Then his villainy, which at one point was characterized as an asset, will be billed as intolerable evil. Saddam needs to be given stature so that Bush as conqueror will also appear to have stature. Saddamania and Wrestlemania use the same marketing tactic: When Bush talks about Saddam he drips with disgust and disdain. You can find yourself rooting for one bird over the other but the nagging question is what am I doing watching and investing in it in the first place.

Bush creates a primitive tug. He prefers you would be ashamed that you would question any tactic that would cause the desired result of bringing down the villain. To Bush, questioning how and who wanted the sociopath to become what he was is as irrelevant as the UN. Bush deals with symptoms not conditions. He sees evil as a proper noun. Like throwing a piece of red meat to a hungry crowd the capture plays like a blockbuster. As Michael Ware of Time magazine warns — this is not over — the insurgents, many of whom saw Saddam as a Western creation, care less about the capture and more about the occupation.

This occupation they perceive to be a continuation more than an antidote to Saddam. Saddamania is red hot. His billing is as preemptive as the war itself. The cover of Newsweek and Time bumped Howard Dean and Jesus Christ respectively for the image of the homeless dictator. Like Bush and company those venerable publications know what sells. Davis is a playwright. New powers, old habits in Iraq By Humphrey Hawksley BBC world affairs correspondent Six months before the planned transfer of sovereignty in Iraq, new political forces have been filling the vacuum left by the fall of Saddam.

But a brush with the new authorities can mean a familiar encounter over identity cards and threats. Zaid Abdul Karim cut a tall, arresting figure on the deck of the old ferry which was taking us from Dubai to southern Iraq. He was amiable, urbane and full of curiosity, but when alone, he became deeply pensive, staring for long periods at the wake of the ship which was churning up the murky waters of the Gulf.

It was not until the end of the three-day journey that Zaid approached me and told me what was on his mind. Earlier I had chatted with a whole group of Iraqis including Zaid who were coming home for the first time since the war. The insurgency against the American occupation force had done little to dent their overall optimism.

He lived further north in Babylon, near the holy Islamic city of Kerbala, so we said we would drop by on our way to Baghdad. The murals of Saddam had gone, but they had been replaced everywhere by faces of Islamic leaders. In the Basra market they were selling posters of Ayatollahs as they had once been selling Saddam memorabilia.

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Restaurants were banned from selling alcohol and in the mosques the Imams were recounting historic battles as if they had happened the day before and not hundreds of years ago. They must have known it in Washington but, amazingly, by getting rid of Saddam, the Americans have seamlessly given birth to Islamic fundamentalists.

Then, heading north, it was as if the war had only ended yesterday. Billions of dollars might have been allocated to construction but nothing was being rebuilt.

It was a totally dreadful landscape of despair: It was as if New Yorkers had thrown up their hands and said they were too tired to rebuild after 11 September Blood transfusion shortage Zaid proudly welcomed us into his house to show off a poster of David Beckham and an American flag draped over the sofa.

Fatima, his daughter, had brilliantly sparkling eyes but because of her disease, her face was pale. It turned out that since the UN had been giving Fatima the key drugs she needed, but the problem was getting blood for transfusions and a bone marrow match for a transplant. I want to be an Islamic teacher. Her eyes lit up, so off we all went. Kerbala is to the Shia Muslim what Rome is to the Catholic.

The central square buzzes with worship, hawkers and tourists - many on package trips from neighbouring Iran. Questioning the future We had arranged to meet a leader from the Daawa party, an Islamic movement banned under Saddam, but now re-emerging as one of the biggest forces in the new Iraq. I was keen to find out what their policies were, not from religion, but on the practical things like health, like blood transfusions for Fatima, for example.

Baghdad fell on 9 April I left Fatima to sightsee for a bit while I went to check if it was all right for her to sit in on the interview. Abu Mohamed was a short stocky man in an ill-fitting suit. He greeted me with a smile, but his was a face of hardship and suffering. But he did not mean a word of it.

As soon as he saw Fatima in the square he backed off and turned against us. The police came and stopped us leaving. He knew what Iraq could be like if you stepped over the line. Eventually, we negotiated our release. Both Zaid and I had witnessed the face of the new leadership. It was about power, identity cards and threats - not about the healthcare of a sick little girl. In fact, not that much different from the regime which had been deposed.

Please check the programme schedules for World Service transmission times. After all, who needs to worry about the missing weapons of mass destruction or the lack of ties between Hussein and the perpetrators of the Sept. This violates the Geneva Convention, which forbids subjecting prisoners to humiliation and public ridicule. It is the first criminal tribunal that has no international or U.

Its decisions will also be tainted because it was created while Iraq was under occupation. Bush has once again thumbed his nose at the International Criminal Court, which was developed during a year period by international legal experts and scholars to try genocide, war crimes and crimes against humanity. None of the three existing tribunals -- the International Criminal Court, the Yugoslav and Rwanda tribunals -- allow for the death penalty; yet, the new Iraqi court may well permit capital punishment. Will Hussein be executed right before the U.

Moreover, Iraq must afford defendants the fair trial rights guaranteed in the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, which Iraq has ratified. It requires that the accused be brought promptly before a judge, informed of the charges against him, and be afforded a speedy, public and fair trial with the presumption of innocence, counsel of his choice and the privilege against self-incrimination. The United States, which has also ratified this covenant, has denied all of these rights to the prisoners at its Guantanamo Bay, Cuba, prison camp. Perhaps the most tragic aspect of this media spectacle is that it distracts us from the hell our troops are facing for no good reason in Iraq.

Not only has the Bush administration denied us the right to mourn with the families of dead soldiers as the caskets return shielded from media cameras, it has withheld some Purple Hearts so the hundreds of wounded cannot be accurately tallied. Notwithstanding the arrest of Hussein, we must call on our government to turn the administration of Iraq over to the United Nations and bring our troops home immediately.

Selected copies of the National Archives correnspondence are indexed below, and available on our website in Adobe Acrobat format. Others are cited herein and are available upon request. The National Security Archives-released documents may be found at: The men who courted Saddam while he gassed Iranians are now waging war against him, ostensibly because he holds weapons of mass destruction. To a man, they now deny that oil has anything to do with the conflict.

Yet during the Reagan administration, and in the years leading up to the present conflict, these men shaped and implemented a strategy that has everything to do with securing Iraqi oil exports. Adobe Acrobat version of report Scanned memoranda obtained from the National Archives: File name Date pages Brief description Whiskers No Longer a Threat to U. The search for weapons of mass destruction in Iraq came to an end today as U. The Iraqi madman had instructed his weapons scientists to create the WMD in microscopic form so that he could carry them around on his person at all times, the officials said.

The deadly beard was then stored in an airtight container and transferred to a U. Later in his press conference, the President revealed that U. The agreement came after former Secretary of State James A. France, Germany and the United States agree that there should be substantial debt reduction for Iraq in the Paris Club of , the leaders of the three nations said in a joint statement issued by the White House Monday afternoon.

The agreement was the first concrete cooperation in rebuilding postwar Iraq from two nations that tried to prevent the war and have refused to contribute troops to the postwar stabilization mission. It appeared to be an effort to project a united front. Germany and France have been eager to reconcile with the United States despite their misgivings about the U.

Germany repeated its concerns about the contract issue and U. His next stops are Rome, Moscow and London. Asked if the United States might revise its contract policy, U. Baker made no comment in Berlin, but was upbeat in Paris after meeting with Chirac. The White House, however, gave no indication that debt forgiveness could result in a slice of the reconstruction deals. Copyright The Associated Press. Iraq fired 39 Scud missiles at Israel in the Persian Gulf war but Israel, under strong pressure from the United States, refrained from striking back.

Shortly after the war, Israel began investigating the possibility of killing Mr. That same year, one of Mr. Hussein could be targeted at Mr. The plan, codenamed Operation Bramble Bush, called for helicopters to drop members of an elite military unit, Sayeret Matkal, outside Mr. They were to dig in and camouflage themselves a few hundred yards from a spot where Mr.

Hussein was considered likely to travel. Rabin "went into the tiniest details," according to Nadav Zeevi, a major in the Army reserves, who was quoted by Yediot Ahronot. At the end of the meeting he demanded certainty of at least 98 percent before he would approve the operation. But in a deadly mixup, the unit that was to carry out the attack fired a real missile at Israeli soldiers serving as stand-ins for Mr.

Hussein and his bodyguards, the reports said. Following the disaster, the plan was dropped without ever being presented to the government for approval, the reports added. The deaths of the five soldiers were reported at the time simply as a training accident. Ephraim Sneh, a retired brigadier general and a member of parliament with the left-leaning Labor Party since , said he learned about the plan after the training accident.

Moshe Yaalon, was asked about the reports while attending a conference near Tel Aviv. Seven months ago I sat on his red velvet presidential throne in the greatest of all his marble palaces. And so there I was yesterday, lowering myself into the damp, dark and grey concrete interior of his final retreat, the midget bunker buried beside the Tigris - all of 2m by 1,5m - and as near to an underground prison as any of his victims might imagine. Instead of chandeliers, there was just a cheap plastic fan attached to an air vent.

Ozymandias came to mind. This, after all, was where the dreams finally crumbled to dust. And it was cold. He had food, of course - tins of cheap luncheon meat and fresh fruit - and I found his last books in a hut nearby: But this was no resistance headquarters, no place from which to run a war or start an insurgency. Then you are sitting on the floor. There is no light, no water, only the concrete walls, the vent and a ceiling of wooden boards.

Above the boards is earth and then a thick concrete floor which - up above - is covered by the thick concrete yard of a dilapidated farm hut. It must have taken a long time to build - weeks at least - and I suspect there are many other bolt holes along the reed banks of the Tigris. Yet above this sullen underground cell was a kind of paradise, of thick palm fronds and orange trees dripping gold with mandarins, of thickets of tall reeds, of the sound of birds buried in the treetops. There was even an old blue-painted boat tucked away behind a wall of fronds, the last chance of escape across the silver Tigris if the Americans closed in.

Of course, they closed in from two directions on Saturday night, both from the river and down the muddy laneway along which soldiers of the US 4th Infantry Division led me yesterday. As Captain Joseph Munger of the 4th Battalion, 42nd Field Artillery, pointed out, Saddam was easy to ambush but it was equally easy for him to hear them coming. He must have rushed from the hut where he ate his food - spilling a plate of beans and Turkish Delight onto the mud floor - and squirrelled his portly self down the hole.

When the Americans searched the hut, they found nothing suspicious - except a pot plant oddly positioned on top of some dried palm fronds, placed there presumably by the two men later seized while trying to escape. Underneath, they found the entrance to the hole. So what could we learn of Saddam yesterday in this, his very last private residence in Iraq. Well, he had chosen a hide only m from a shrine marking his own famous retreat across the Tigris river in , on the run as a wounded young guerrilla after trying to assassinate an earlier president of Iraq.

Here it was that he dug the bullet out of his body and on a low hill within eyesight of this palm-grove is the mosque that marks the spot where, in a coffee shop, Saddam vainly pleaded with his fellow Iraqi tribesmen to help him escape. Saddam, in his last days as a free man, had retreated into his past, back to the days of glory that preceded his butcheries.

He had the use of a tiny generator which I found wired up to a miniature fridge. The fridge was in one half of the hut and contained water bottles and a bottle of medicine with a label marked "Dropil". There were two old beds and some filthy blankets. In the little kitchen next door, there were sausages hanging to dry, bananas, oranges and - near a washing-up bowl - tins of Jordanian chicken and beef luncheon meat, heaps of "Happy Tuna". Only the Mars Bars looked fresh. So what did Saddam discover here in the last days?

Peace of mind after the years of madness and barbarity? A place to reflect on his awesome sin, how he took his country from prosperity through foreign invasion and isolation and years of torture and suppression into a world of humiliation and occupation? The birds must have sung in the evening, the palm fronds above him must have clustered against each other in the night.

But then there must have been the fear, the constant knowledge that betrayal was only an orchard away. It must have been cold in that hole. And no colder than when the hands of Washington-the-all-Powerful reached out across oceans and continents and came to rest on that odd-looking pot plant and hauled the would-be Caliph from his tiny cell. Milius, 59, said yesterday that he was flattered the title had been chosen. Red Dawn came out in at the height of the cold war and at a time when Ronald Reagan was trying to persuade the world that the revolutions taking place in central America were part of a communist conspiracy.

Radical activists in London thought it so obnoxious that they let off a firecracker in a West End cinema while it was showing. Milius believes that liberal bias in Hollywood has counted against him since. As is traditional on these occasions, he "pardoned" the official Thanksgiving turkey, called Stars, and its partner, Stripes the names were chosen in a poll of White House website readers, narrowly squeezing out Pumpkin and Cranberry. As governor of Texas, Mr Bush made a point of not pardoning anybody, including death-row prisoners. Much the same attitude now applies in Iraq.

Turkeys, apparently, are different. Mr Bush explained that Stripes was an "alternate turkey", needed in case the number one turkey, Stars, could not fulfil his role in the ceremony. All he can do is grit his teeth and pretend to be amused. According to the Pittsburgh Post-Gazette, Mr Cheney downed more than 70 ringneck pheasants and an undetermined number of ducks during a shooting spree there last week.

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Altogether his man party, whose other members remain unidentified, killed birds. Mr Cheney and bulging game-bag then headed back to Arnold Palmer airport in a Humvee. After all, he has many worries. His old firm, Halliburton, is accused of profiteering in Iraq. His private contacts with energy industry executives are now subject to a supreme court lawsuit. Far smarter than the present White House incumbent, Mr Cheney harboured presidential ambitions before his heart grew dicky.

Perhaps he still does. I am still stuck on the pictures. The transformation of a man, last glimpsed in a suit or in military uniform, from president into Monty Python hermit is just too shocking to forget. When last we saw him, he was on a presidential platform, waving to the masses below, unsheathing a sword or firing a ceremonial rifle.

Now we see him as a wild man, dirty and mangy as a stray dog. And we have to keep reminding ourselves: It makes sense that the news networks keep playing that footage of his medical examination, over and over in a loop. It remains fascinating each time you see it, prompting new questions. Is Saddam Hussein being pushed and prodded, or is the US military doctor handling him with the gentleness he might show a child or feeble geriatric?

What can that experience have been like for the doctor, to touch so intimately a man identified only with wickedness? But the power of the current crop of images goes rather deeper than that. Taken together - the bearded Saddam and his underground living grave - they are almost mythic, redolent of legends and fables that are hard-wired into the human mind. With this twist, the Saddam story has become a blend of Bible parable, folk tale, Greek and Shakespearean tragedy - and it is unexpectedly powerful. The tale of a once-mighty leader who evades a conquering army by hiding in a hole certainly has a Biblical ring to it: And he came to his cook and said: And the King dug a hole eight cubits by six cubits, and there he was tormented by many rats and many mice and his beard grew long Slobodan Milosevic was taken into custody wearing a blue suit; he testifies in the Hague looking the same as he always did.

Saddam and his dugout seem to belong to a much earlier era, the age when David was on the run from Saul, or, many centuries later, the prophet Mohammed was chased out of Mecca - both finding refuge in a cave. Since the first Gulf war in , the stand-off between the US and Iraq has also been a battle of dynasties. For the American president too, Operation Iraqi Freedom was, in part, a family affair. After all, this is a guy that tried to kill my dad. As one Bush family associate told the New York Times yesterday: And what would Shakespeare have done with the scene played out on Sunday afternoon in a US military base, when Saddam awoke on his metal army cot to find he had four visitors: The men had been brought there formally to confirm the identity of the prisoner, but rather than simply peer at him through a window, they demanded the right to see him up close - and confront him.

Now he faced his persecutor with not a bodyguard between them. He asked what Saddam would say on the day of judgment. How would he account for the lives lost in the Iran-Iraq war, for the gassing at Halabja, for the mass graves? Everything about this story seems designed to endure, even as a parable that future generations might teach their children. What better illustration of the cowardice of the bully than the story of Saddam Hussein, who strutted and threatened - only to surrender meekly?

In the end, when there were no henchmen at his side, he showed none of the bravery of the Arab heroes he had so frequently invoked but put his hands in the air and asked to cut a deal. He had a pistol, but did not fire a single shot, neither at his pursuers nor at himself. For months, the Iraqi rumour mill had spoken of a Saddam of seven masks, secretly directing the resistance, disguised sometimes as a Muslim woman, sometimes as a taxi driver, sometimes as a nomad. Peasants would take him in for the night; when they awoke they would find their guest vanished and a vast bundle of cash under the bed.

Now, though, we know the truth: Saddam was cowering, saving only his own skin. So listen well, children, and learn the moral of the story. The combination of all these elements is a potent one. On the Arab street, those few seconds of footage will be humiliating to some, but exhilarating to others, keen to see the back of their own tyrants. In the US, the imagery will be no less powerful. Because we are not as sophisticated as we like to think we are.

We like to imagine that, in the 21st century, our politics is all about systems and institutions and legal frameworks. But the Saddam episode proves that international relations is still a pretty elemental business: An incendiary television advert highlighted his lack of national security experience and an internet gossip-monger hinted at possible cam- paign finance irregularities. The new attacks on the front-runner were murky in origin and had no effect on the soaring morale of the candidate as he finished a hour swing through California, with Democratic office-holders, showbusiness entertainers and grassroots supporters falling at his feet like teenagers in love.

And Howard Dean just cannot compete with George Bush on foreign policy. The Dean campaign dismissed it as hateful and cynical, "exactly the kind of ad that keeps people from voting". The campaign finance questions were raised by Matt Drudge, the internet columnist who hounded Bill Clinton during the Monica Lewinsky scandal, and centred on the legality of foreign contributions to political websites such as MoveOn.

Drudge questioned the truth of MoveOn. There was no immediate reaction to the Drudge column within the Dean camp or elsewhere. Denouncing President Bush for running an administration "of the corporations, by the corporations, for the corporations", he thrilled his supporters with his pledge to re- energise the Democratic Party base and bring out up to three or four million new voters. There was no sign of that on the ground, however, as Mr Dean insisted that the capture had not changed his overall view of the Iraq conflict, received a warm reception at a high-powered international affairs think- tank for his first detailed foreign policy speech, picked up valuable new endorsements from Latino members of Congress and thrilled a lunchtime meeting of the Democratic National Committee.

Xavier Becerra, one of the Latino lawmakers who endorsed him, spoke of a new "air going around that we are all beginning to breathe". The House of Blues felt like a campaign event on the eve of an election, not 11 months away. Mr Dean said it was time to give Mr Bush "a one-way ticket to Crawford, Texas" and replace him with a programme that would appeal to the best in America, not the worst.

But even in the glow of Mr. And 60 percent of Americans said the United States was as vulnerable to a terrorist attack as it was before Mr. Hussein was pulled from a hole in Ad Dwar. There was even a slight bump bein the number of Americans who thought the economy was on the mend, a number that had already been growing in polls since October. In the most apparent demonstration of the shift, 47 percent of respondents said the war was going well for the United States in the poll that ended Saturday night.

That number jumped to 64 percent in the second poll. Before the weekend, 47 percent of Americans disapproved of the way Mr. Bush was handling foreign policy, the worst rating of his presidency. After the weekend, that number had slid to 38 percent.

Hussein was captured, from 52 percent, and the number of Americans who disapproved of his performance fell to 33 percent, from 40 percent. In that poll, 56 percent of respondents said the nation was heading in the wrong direction, compared with just 39 percent who said it was on the right track. But by Monday, that measure had nearly flipped, with the number of Americans who said the nation was heading in the right direction rising to 49 percent, with 43 percent saying things were going awry, the second poll found.

Even the perception that the economy is getting better, which has been something of a weak suit for Mr. Bush, improved to 39 percent this week from 34 percent last week. The two nationwide telephone polls were taken back to back, one going from Wednesday to Saturday and the other Sunday to Monday. The sample in the first poll was 1, adults, and it had a margin of sampling error of plus or minus three percentage points. Another adults were questioned in a second poll, and that had a margin of sampling error of plus or minus four percentage points.

Hussein being taken into custody. Even through the prism of this victory, the poll reflected continued ambivalence in the American public about the war, and Mr. That sentiment that was reflected in follow-up interviews with poll respondents. Hussein would result in a decrease in the bombings in Iraq. Grimaldi said he was concerned that the United States was now stuck there.

Hussein, had won the war. A majority said that the war was not over yet and that they expected troops to stay in place for years, rather than months. Most of those polled said they believed that Mr. Hussein had orchestrated the attacks on American soldiers, but a majority also expected those attacks to continue.

About 53 percent of respondents said the administration did not have a plan for rebuilding Iraq, and respondents were evenly divided over whether the White House had a plan to deal with terrorism or was only reacting to events. It slipped back to 30 percent in the second poll this week. There was also clear public disapproval about some ways that Mr. Bush has responded to the war at home.

For example, two-thirds of Americans, including most Republicans, said they disagreed with the White House policy of prohibiting news photographers from ceremonies where the coffins of Americans troops are brought home. The White House says that the policy is intended to protect the privacy of the families of the deceased; Democrats and some critics of the White House say it is intended to avoid the publication of emotionally charged photographs that might harden opposition to the war. Along those same lines, two-thirds of respondents said Mr.

Bush should make it a practice to attend the funerals of some Americans killed in Iraq. That said, a quarter of respondents said, incorrectly, that Mr. Bush was attending those funerals. Democratic presidential candidates have been stepping up their attacks on Mr. But a clear majority of respondents, 64 percent, said such criticism was appropriate. Kim Baatz, 25, an independent voter from Sheldon, La. Bush had shifted because of the success in Iraq this weekend. Baatz said, adding, "One of the goals has been achieved.

In diesem Fall waren es zwei Befragungen einmal mit Leuten und einmal mit Leuten. Wenn ich das overall Rating von Bush zu Grunde lege, das bei der 1. Es kommt darauf an wie gut oder schlecht die Poller bei der Auswertung sind. Eine gute Abhandlung zu diese Themen mit Beispielen gibt es von Prof. Telephone interviews were conducted Wednesday through Saturday with 1, adults throughout the United States.

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A separate sample of adults was then interviewed from Sunday afternoon through Monday night. The sample of telephone exchanges called was randomly selected by a computer from a complete list of more than 42, active residential exchanges across the country. Within each exchange, random digits were added to form a complete telephone number, thus permitting access to listed and unlisted numbers alike.

Within each household, one adult was designated by a random procedure to be the respondent for the survey. The results have been weighted to take account of household size and number of telephone lines into the residence and to adjust for variation in the sample relating to geographic region, sex, race, age and education. In theory, in 19 cases out of 20, the results based on such samples will differ by no more than a few percentage points in either direction from what would have been obtained by seeking out all American adults.

The margin of sampling error for the first poll was three points; for the second, it was four points. In comparing the two polls, a shift in responses of five points or more is statistically significant. For smaller subgroups the margin of sampling error is larger.

In addition to sampling error, the practical difficulties of conducting any survey of public opinion may introduce other sources of error into the poll. Variation in the wording and order of questions, for example, may lead to somewhat different results. Complete results are available at nytimes. Iraqi youths stole packages of food yesterday after a rocket damaged a United States Army supply train in Falluja, Iraq.

No one was injured. New details emerged Tuesday about documents found when Mr. Hussein was captured, contributing to a clearer picture of those organizing guerrilla attacks. Secretary of Defense Donald H. Eleven of the dead in Iraq were reported killed Monday when Iraqis attacked an American convoy in Samarra, about 60 miles north of Baghdad. Samarra has been the site of fierce resistance to American troops. The other six Iraqis died in scattered incidents. Then on Tuesday, the military said, troops broke up what appeared to be an insurgent cell in Abu Safa, near Samarra, in a raid in which at least 73 people were arrested as they attended a meeting.

Among those detained was a man identified as Qais Hattam, believed to be a midlevel financier and organizer of attacks on American troops. Josslyn Aberle, a spokeswoman for the Fourth Infantry Division. The documents found in a briefcase at the scene of Mr. Hussein did not exert direct control over the insurgents, but had received information on their actions through reports delivered by courier. General Dempsey said that 10 to 14 cells had been operating in Baghdad, and that his troops had been successful against six, although he gave no dates for those actions.

He said the next target was a leadership network senior to those cells. Despite the recent successes, senior American military officials damped hopes that the arrest of Mr. Hussein would deflate the resistance overnight. Sanchez, told reporters in a joint appearance in Baghdad with the chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, Gen.

Hussein, whom Secretary Rumsfeld characterized as resigned to his fate. President Bush stated more explicitly than he did in his news conference on Monday that he believed Mr. Hussein deserved the death penalty. Bush added, though, as he had on Monday, that the decision about Mr. Hussein, and in some cases even denied he had been caught. Many held his pictures as they overran the main municipal office building here in Falluja on Monday night, ejecting the police force as they fired off guns, ransacked the building and burned files.

American soldiers took back control of the building early Tuesday, killing at least one person in the process. The rally was fueled partly by rumors that Mr. Hussein was still free, and had not surrendered in humiliation from inside a small pit. God is no where--life is now here 3 copies Sex: Discourses on Songs of Kabir Kapir Ser. Von der Freiheit, Du selbst zu sein. The People of the Path Vol 2 2 copies La via del cuore: Canto della meditazione 2 copies Antaryatra Ke Sutra Hindi 2 copies L'amore nel tantra 2 copies, 1 review Het boek der geheimen.

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