Margherita Hack: 1 (Profilo di donna) (Italian Edition)

Cesariano included a reference to these beliefs in his text. His head was encircled with laurel leaves, the Renaissance symbol of humanistic learning. In his hand he carried the compass and a rule, the tools of the architect. Cesariano views the architect as driven by intellectual concerns and to emphasise this he follows the Renaissance convention by making explicit reference to the classical philosophical ideas of both Plato and Aristotle.

The second is that Cesariano presented the idea in allegory that within Italian Renaissance society change in status could be achieved through individual effort. This reinforces the notion of the social figure of the architect as engaged in intellectual pursuits, was not a unknown concept to sixteenth-century Italian Renaissance society. It raises questions related to an understanding of whether the specific historical context of the frontispiece allegory as a whole had more specific political or social relevance than expected from knowledge of its traditional use and its modification for the society at the time of the illustration.

Many components of this layer of investigation address the criticism that the first two layers of investigation provided insufficient evidence for understanding meaning. To pursue interpretation of elements of an illustration such as a frontispiece it is also essential to recognise the potency of specific emblems, allegories and icons for particular audiences. Milan was then a city-state under the leadership of the king of France. While, in the treatise, the privileges to be granted from Pope Leo X and Francis I are both acknowledged and a dedication is made to Francis I, by including others in his broad ranging dedication Cesariano modified the impact of these potential supporters.

In his Oratio to the treatise, Pirovano presented the volume as if it were the work of various scholars. So that in this work no appropriate thing could be left to be desired by the diligent and by scholars. Pirovano attempted, in the lavish production of a significant treatise, to portray an image of his own status by his association with Agostino Gallo, a man of status and influence beyond Milan. This portrayal of the intellectual worth of Cesariano is in contrast to the different political aspirations of the other players involved in the production of the treatise.

The reason that Cesariano represented himself in such a manner is confirmed by the inclusion of representations of local architectural debates in the illustrations to the treatise, particularly the woodblocks of Milan Cathedral. It is also possible that he had access to some drawing collection, particularly one of architectural and decorative details after ancient buildings.

On the other hand it is not possible to trace any real relationship with drawings of the antiquities of Rome, which surely were circulating in northern Italy at the time, given the numerous artists returning there from the papal city; an example of such are drawings attributed to Bramantino. Instead in numerous instances Cesariano derived ideas directly from buildings in the area of the Po Valley. By introducing the active debates about continuing the building of the Milan Cathedral, Cesariano complicated the message that his book was focused only on understanding the classical architecture of Vitruvius.

Considering these aspects of the illustration, one would have to question what benefit Cesariano expected to achieve by focusing attention on himself as an authority on architecture? At the time, the merchant classes of Milan were known defenders of the Gothic, and were reluctant to accept an architecture based on the imagery of a Roman Antiquity. Here, Cesariano both contextualised an understanding of antiquity and also tried to present the similarities of Germanic Gothic with antiquity. In the allegorical illustrations and those of Milan Cathedral, Cesariano presents himself within a difficult political arena, as architect, allegorist, designer and defender of a professional attitude that redefined architecture as the focus of many levels of society rather than as a forum only for the display of the magnificence of a ruler.

Sources enumerated above have shown how the term architect has become entwined in the battles between the historical figures implicated in its use and how the term could be given distinctive attributes during each occurrence of its use or representation in image. However, each representation in image of the term has been contextualised through presenting a claim that its meaning or status is symptomatic of broader issues of social concern.

However, it is important to note that the investigation of the frontispiece and its reporting have distinctively different characteristics. Just as layers of investigation are not separate and discrete, so in the reporting of any iconographic study, the distinctive phases of description, analysis and interpretation cannot be entirely separate in their presentation. They are combined in a narrative and constrained by the structure and rhetorical framing of each chapter.

This is not an excuse for any lack of clarity or accuracy in analysis, explanation and reporting, but an acknowledgement that reporting of an iconographic investigation is both objective and subjective and is the telling of a story, an interpretive act. Clarendon Press, , This is the title of the edition. Penn State Univ, , Chapters in the History of the Profession, Spiro Kostof, ed. Oxford University Press, , MIT Press, c, Ackerman suggests that documents related to the practices of the architect tend to be construction drawings, invoices, accounts, and work books and are not located in a public arena.

These tend to be private documents with a different rhetoric to the documents concerned with public engagement. Oxford University Press, An Economic and Social History, Baltimore: John Hopkins University Press, , Vagnetti, L'architetto, , Routledge and Kegan Paul, , 2.

Their strangeness derives not from exoticism, but from the fact that they are so neutral, so indefinite, and yet immediately suggest that they mean something important. The Career of a Florentine Polymath, Geneve: Librarie Droz, , Tozzi, and reprinted by New York: These treatises used drawing to explain or extend the text. For example folio 57 verso returns to an earlier examination of smooth and fluted columns. I will show them to you again in drawing. Checklist and History of Manuscripts and Drawings, London: Associated University Presses, , esp.

Yale University Press, , Ch 3, I and v II, New Haven: Yale University Press, , Vol. I, 99 and Vol. See Henry Millon and Vittorio Lampugnani eds. Margaret Manion and Bernard Muir suggest that the Alberti manuscripts made for Matthias Corvinus may be compared with the two examples of breviaries made for Matthias exhibiting the same style of illumination: In Margaret Manion and Bernard Muir, eds. Craftsman House, c, Lat , manuscript was finished in for Federico da Montefeltre, Duke of Urbino. Florence passed such laws in , and Regulation of dress is of great detailed concern to Alberti in his treatise I Libri della Famiglia.

These laws were often flouted by the aristocracy, but nevertheless gave the appearance of a civic life that was tied closely to social status rather than wealth. The growing wealth of the borghese represented a threat to the traditional aristocracy. This type of signal became reinforced both in painted images and representation in illuminations.

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This political act brought to the book a recognition not only of the author and subject but also the importance of the role of other players in the success of the publication and the profession. George Herholt, , Biblioteca Corsini, Rome, 50, f. For the copy of Vitruvius at the Corsiniana, see Millon and Lampugnani, eds. Brunelleschi to Michelangelo, , Books were printed as loose leaves and bound on sale to the specification of the purchaser. Binding became the clearest sign of ownership. The Impact of Printing , London: National Library of Britain, , Cambridge University Press, , 55 and University of Chicago Press, , Eight Essays, Stanford, Ca: Stanford University Press, , University of Chicago Press, Vitruvius per Iucundum solito castigatior factus, cum figures et tabula, ut iam legi et intelligi posit, Fra Giocondo da Veroli, trans.

Singula enim et in his machinis et in multis superiorum rerum descriptionibus si quis declarare vellet, opus esset et plura scribere et cuiusque rei varias figurationum facies pingere, quibus et quae rebus ipsis intra sunt et extra monstrari possent. Sed satis mihi fecisse videor aperuisse scilicet studiosis fores et ostendisse semitas quibus hic auctor intelligi valeret. Vitruvius v per Iucundum solito castigatior factus, Fra Giocondo da Veroli, trans. UMI Dissertation Services, , Cambridge University Press, , for discussion.

Public rituals and urban planning served to produce an image of power that was to become more or less permanent by the end of the period under study. Art and Pagentry in the Renaissance and Baroque: Penn State University, , Ch 4. Anchor Books, Doubleday and Company, , Renaissance Festivals, —, Woodbridge: Boydell Press, , 10, outlines the growth of the Classical triumph from a medieval precursor in which the entry of a royal person was celebrated by enacting appropriate scenes from the Bible.

Cornell University Press, , Inigo Jones and the Stuart Court, London: Arts Council of Great Britain, , Patricia Fortini Brown, Venice and Antiquity: J Cape, , The same point may be applied to the past- in a manner that is especially relevant to debates over the difference between medieval and Renaissance individualism.

When dealing with these debates, it is useful to recall that both the eponymous inventor and personal authorship appeared at the same time and as a consequence of the same process. Italian 16th Century Books, Cambridge, Mass: Fifteenth through Nineteenth Centuries, Washington: National Gallery of Art Washington and Braziller, He develops his theory of iconology in texts such as Erwin Panofsky, Studies in Iconology: The Overlook Press, The edition used in this study is, Vitruvius, Vitruvio: Caesare Cesariano, Bruschi, Carugo and Fiore, eds.

In this chapter I have transcribed his language form direct from his text rather than transforming to either correct modern Latin or Italian. The method of Iconology has received much criticism and a number of changes have been suggested and even though Panofsky later agreed to drop the term iconology in preference for iconography the name persists.

For a discussion of a number of controversial issues on iconology and iconography see, Iconography at the Crossroads: Dept of Archeology, Princeton University, Cornell University Press, , ff. Borsi, Leon Battista Alberti, , Simonem Papiensem dictum Bivilaquam, ; M. Vitruvius per Iocundum solito castigatior factus.. Sumptibus Phillppi de Giunta, Studies in the Art of the Renaissance, London: Phaidon, ; William Heckscher, Art and Literature: Studies in Relationship, Egon Verheyen ed. Duke University Press, and Baden-Baden: Verlag Valentin Koerner, ; and others.

Cornell University Press, , take the virtues like Prudence and show their purpose in the rhetorical framework of Renaissance literature. La Nuova Italia, Et p[er] esso egregie scie[n]tie e operatio[n]e. Il Polifilo, , Et sapiential postea est que proprie mentem e metellectum ad contemplationem intentum tenet.

Impossibile E[tiam] indige[n]te[m] operari bona: Qui male nati sunt I[m]possible E[tiam] ut bene facere possint. Qui q[ue] bene sunt benefacere possunt. De Architectura, , ciii Pirovano states: Augustino Gallo Referendario Comense dignissimo: Et lo prenominato … habiamo conducti homini in tale doctrina studiosi: Augustino Gallo the very worthy Referendary of Como and the pre-named Aloisio … we have led those men who are scholars in such doctrine: De Architectura, , unnumbered.

Maxime Bono Mauro Bergomense homo di tale doctrina non Ignaro: Architectural Publications, , I See also Bruschi, in Vitruvio: Wilhelm Fink Verlag, , Cesariano became capomaestro to the city of Milan and was consulted over the building of Milan Cathedral from De Architectura, , LXX. The meaning is always there to represent the form; the form is there to outdistance the meaning. And there is never any contradiction, conflict, or split between the meaning and the form: Roland Barthes, Mythologies, Myth Today, trans.

The frontispiece of this text does not include allegorical personifications that may be examined for how the social attributes of the architect feature in its visual composition. Alberto Jelmini has drawn attention to Serlio having studied at least two distinctive sources of Vitruvius. Much of this evidence emerges from a consistency between the graphic technique of the frontispiece and of the illustrations included in the body of the treatise.

He suggests, that just as later treatise authors formed a relationship with engravers and sculptors of wood blocks, Serlio may have formed such a relationship with the artist Domenico Campagnola who was working in Venice during the early sixteenth century. Emile Galichon lists thirteen prints and fifteen etchings by Campagnola, all of which were completed prior to and investigation of these shows that each has distinctive signature monograms.

The practice that Campagnola had followed was to sign or monogram his wood blocks even though the status of their production may be limited. Evidence of this is in his request for copyright privileges for the Regole generali di architettura prior to its printing: The printing privilege is aligned with the title but below the entire illustration.

Pilastered columns with male and female herms support the aedicule and above them capitals hold depictions of mascaron. The pediment of the aedicule is open with its lintel being discontinuous across the face of its tympanum. The tympanum holds a cartouche that depicts classical building fragments. A decorative wave meander frieze is located immediately below the raking cyma of the pediment and a similar decorative frieze is depicted above the capitals of the columns on the lintel of the pediment.

The theme of the meander is repeated as a Greek squared meander on the base wall below the opening of the aedicule. Selection and analysis of five component elements of this frontispiece and its title are investigated for possible reference in its narrative to a concept of the architect. The five component elements include: The implication of these in the context of northern Italy during the first part of the sixteenth century will then be assessed. The aedicule, represented as stone construction, is drawn in perspective with visual depth depicted through shading and the space diminishing to a central vanishing point.

The construction of the aedicule is not consistent with any particular architectural Order and this is significant in a frontispiece to a book which some have described as a pattern-book of the Classical Orders. The depth of the aedicule is ambiguous as the title screen, in line with its face, foreshortens the view.

The scale of the representation, its construction details and surround of fruit and plants suggest that the aedicule represents an opening in a garden wall. This section investigates the role of the aedicule in the frontispiece. The use of perspective provides a representation of the spatial characteristics of the architecture portrayed.

For the illustrations using this technique, there is little attempt to accurately depict true dimensions in the receding faces even though the front elevation is based on an orthogonal representation. The views are impressionistic but enable information to be gained about the depth or circular profile of architectural elements. Alberti had concluded his argument against the use of perspective by pointing out the differences between the perspectival techniques of the painter and the documentation techniques required by the architect. Serlio made his position in this debate clear by his inclusion of perspectival technique in relevant aspects of his Regole generali di architettura.

A second feature of the classicised aedicule image is its depiction as an opening or entry to a garden. It was customary for aedicules to separate spaces, possibly a garden from a space external to it. A garden characteristic in the frontispiece illustration is reinforced both by the depiction of bunches of fruit and other botanic themes. This unexpected blocking of the view beyond the aedicule opening is significant to the narrative of the frontispiece. At this time in the Renaissance, the term garden could be used to convey different concepts.

This reference suggests that specific topics should have boundaries established if discussion is to be fruitful or to be kept to a focus. It is more likely that Serlio had a distinct purpose in making a specific reference to the garden as representing the entry to an intellectual terrain. The Marcolini garden, as conceived by Aretino, was a location for freely expressed dialogue locus amoenus. These figures bend forward from their capitals and this disassociates them from a weight-bearing function. They are also rendered life-like by the delicacy of the depiction of their hair and bodily features.

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The male herm is depicted as old and has a weathered appearance while the female herm is portrayed as a young and vital woman. The rugged delicacy of their depiction provides a living realism to their demeanour, one that is further emphasised as, unconstrained by the weight of the pediment, their heads are turned and their gaze is away from the viewer. Directly above the herms on the capitals of the columns are depicted two grotesque mascaron figures with leaf-like structures growing from their faces and with open mouths showing bared teeth.

Investigation of earlier treatises reinforces the suggestion that Serlio may have had this specific purpose for his use of herms. Initial investigation of the typology of the herm figures suggests that there could be similarities with other anthropomorphic columns that had been included in the illustrations of previous architectural treatises. In explaining the traditional meaning of the herm as an architectural element, George Hersey pointed out that the totemic value of the herm and termini figure was quite different to that of the Caryatid or Persian figures of Vitruvius.

Alberti cited the ancient Nigrigeneus, as providing direction for the architect on the orientation of temple sites and their Termini. But this custom was afterwards quite altered to have the temples and the Termini look east, that they might have a view of the rising sun. Tullii Ciceronis, resolution of the initially enigmatic Opera omnia, Venetiis: Iunta, , Biblioteca Angelica Roma. In the garden, implied as beyond the opening of the aedicule structure, the herm figures and mascaron tie these functions of messenger alerting the reader to there being a specific focus within, bringing concepts of boundary and variety together.

Nicole Dacos suggested that it was from the study of grotesque figures at the Domus Aurea in Rome that artists of the Renaissance again incorporated herm figures and mascaron in their art and architectural speculations. Jacopo Sansovino, Entry herms to decorate the Ionic fireplace suggesting that this to the Biblioteca Marciana Venezia, the author.

Figure 7 To include both male and female figures suggests the inclusion in his ideas of both the active and robust characteristics of a man of arms and the finer, less robust figure of the female to portray contemplative and scholarly characteristics. However, as previously stated, the male robust figure is gazing away from the title of the book while the contemplative and scholarly image of the female herm turns her gaze toward the book title.

He compared the dual characteristics of the entry to his residence and its interior. Just as the aedicule represented the entry to the garden as an intellectual terrain, the herms, continuing this theme, also represented notional boundaries to a speculation on architecture, and use of the mascaron indicated that in variety of speculation there are potential hazards. Hanging on either side of the aedicule are depictions of bunches of fruit and flowers tied with rope or ribbon whilst individual pieces of fruit cascade down the pediment.

Figure 8 These depictions accurately portray a rich variety of fruit and leaves from plants such as grapes, pears, lemons, aubergines, and cherries.

Depictions of fruit and flowers cascading down the roof were used to represent the image of cornucopia flowing over referring to notions of abundance and variety. The depiction of a garden and the variety of plants within that garden visually represented such ideas of copia but Serlio constrained that freedom of variety to some extent by the depiction of order in the tying of fruit in sequence of type.

It is with these sentiments, for example, that Serlio could pronounce two attitudes about speculative invention throughout his book. Figure 9 This architrave has no shading on its face making it a stark contrast to the shaded tympanum. The insertion of the cartouche in the Figure 9 Classical fragments detail: Frontispiece, Sebastiano Serlio, Regole pediment uses the same perspectival diminution and generali di architettura, However, the cartouche opening remains a disconcerting feature because it is not structurally feasible in its location and replacing the lintel of the pediment.

Reinforcing it as an unusual feature of the composition are the classical fragments enclosed by the cartouche. Instead of being depicted as images in perspective represented on a flat surface they use different graphic techniques to give the impression of each floating in loose association with the others within the frame. Some elements move forward enough to have cast a shadow on the lower member of the frame.

On the left of the enclosure is a sectional cornice detail that sits behind the architrave with its face parallel to the surface of the tympanum. To the right of this figure are small gutter and cornice fragments that are depicted on angles and represented using parallel projection with their profile being depicted as receiving direct light. In the central foreground is a second cornice detail showing its gutter and depicted on an oblique angle to the vertical axis of the aedicule. The profile of this cornice is portrayed as receiving direct light and parallel with the face of the tympanum; its perpendicular side is drawn again with parallel projection and in shadow.

The cornice casts a shadow on the architrave from the right and depicted as though it is protruding from the cartouche. The stone of this cornice is depicted with a natural fault on its rear, a fault that would be hidden in construction. Behind this cornice is another stone in shadow that by its configuration is to be carved into a cornice. It has the general shape of the cornice but its faces are rough and unfinished with natural faults depicted. To the right of these cornices there are two other cornices depicted above a fluted column shaft.

The first of these cornice details is again depicted oblique to the vertical axis of the aedicule with its profile in direct light and parallel to the face of the tympanum. Its perpendicular face is depicted through parallel projection and is in shadow. The cornice above this, in the far top right, is depicted with its profile face in shadow and conforms to the vertical edge of the architrave. The fluted column shaft below these cornices is again depicted as if it were casting a shadow from the right onto the architrave, suggesting that it protrudes from the cartouche.

The plan profile of the column is in shadow with its fluted shaft depicted through parallel projection. There are two small triangular sections of stone in the cartouche. The first of these is below the oblique cornice on the left and the second is located above and forward of the oblique cornice on the right. In this setting the jumble of classical cornices, column shafts and gutters are brought together with no consideration for their weight, or the gravitational force that could be associated with the setting of the aedicule; they are merely a combination of independently suspended objects.

As well, the classical fragments are not always in strict orthogonal placement as their orientation sometimes turns in the three dimensional space of the cartouche. However, the fragments appear to have been empirically measured in situ and their profile and receding faces drawn with accuracy. The fragments are extended in the third dimension by using a parallel projection and shaded to aid the recognition that this is a third dimension. This is a technique that necessitated a rigorous knowledge of the appearance and relationship of all faces and one that could be measured geometrically enabling the object to be reconstructed through graphic media.

By having this cartouche of classical fragments, including carved and uncarved stones, physically intrude into the modernised composition of a Renaissance aedicule — in a book on new forms of Figure 10 Meander details, Frontispiece, Sebastiano Serlio, Regole generali di architecture — Serlio was emphasising that the architect architettura, Figure 10 This pattern conforms to the geometry of the ionic spiral but does this through squared geometry, with lines turning into and out from the central point of each square using only lines at right-angles to one another.

The scale and dominance of these decorative patterns in the context of the whole composition suggests that these elements may conform to the Venetian absorption with classical Greek antiquity through fragments plundered from voyages along the east coast of the Adriatic Sea and reused out of context in new buildings. Even though Greek in origin, similar designs as to these decorative elements of the frontispiece can be seen in antique Roman buildings of the Forum in Rome.

Temple of Mars squared meander similar to that of the aedicule but used in a Transitorium, Rome, the author. These were portrayed there as decorative elements on the base of the Corinthian and Ionic Orders. It appears to have been transposed into the aedicule from another location. Serlio, Ionic Bases, It initiates questions of the priority that Serlio developed for specific emblems of Greek origin even though in the text of Regole generali di architettura he speaks of the antiquities of Greece only once, in reference to the Composite Order.

Recent scholars have commented on the peculiarly Venetian understanding of its own past at this time and its history as a major and vibrant seaport endowing it with a distinctive relationship with territories around it and their historical pasts. Marco where stones such as this can be seen embedded in the walls. Although each element has a unique meaning that can be interpreted, there is also support for the contributions that each makes in interaction with the others to build an allegorical narrative.

For Serlio, the freedom to speculate and innovate in architecture was both pleasurable and potentially perilous. This extension of variety in nature brought with it the disturbing features of the imagination represented by the mascaron as well as the more pleasing aspects suggested by the idyllic herm figures.

These figures form a metaphor for the possibilities found in the freedom of those taking part in the dialogue of the garden. By questioning the past in this manner the architect could proceed to designing new, expressive and more currently relevant architectural forms. They also alert the architect to question, through his own empirically derived knowledge and experience of practice, Vitruvian authority and the dictates of the authorities and their social milieu.

At the same time, the metaphor of the garden suggests the need for thought unfettered by fear and the constraints of enforced institutional conformity. Serlio said, Despite the fact that here the projection of the capital is far removed from the writings of Vitruvius in that it is plumb with the plinth of the base, nevertheless because I have seen several ancient examples of this sort and have had some built myself, it seemed to me a good idea to set it down in a figure for the pleasure of anyone who might want to use it.

Although scholars who have simply studied Vitruvius without having handled ancient things in any other way would say this opinion is wrong, if they were to consider the abacuses of Corinthian capitals, whose projections are plumb with the plinths of the bases, they would not condemn such a projection so readily. In the frontispiece, with allusions to the garden as a location of speculative thought and unfettered by conformity to authorities, the depiction of a stone decorated with a Greek meander represented specifically Venetian ways of understanding the past, opening the possibility of a new character for Venetian architecture that acknowledged the unique history and culture of the Venetian Republic.

In Venice I have received every possible benefit, both spiritually and worldly. The Doge, master Andrea Gritti, a Prince never sufficiently praised, has brought the following men to the service of his illustrious Republic, and they are making this city, with its noble and beautiful constructed buildings, as marvellous as God made it impressive by the nature of its site: Antonio Abbondi, a reliable man with regard to the style of the buildings customary in the city; Jacopo Sansovino, the famous sculptor and architect.

By imaging architecture as an intellectual terrain with architects and others coming together as a group to actively discuss and formulate the fundamental new requirements of their discipline, the architect becomes a member of an intellectual group, a group able to discursively change and formulate new rules for architecture and the boundary for their discipline. This attribute was an initial formation in the professionalisation of the practices of the architect.

However, Serlio reinforced through the iconography of his frontispiece that this personal development could not be acquired in isolation. In Regole generali di architettura Vitruvian rules for architectural speculation continue to be transformed through the application of a personal and educated judgment. This presentation of the accessibility of architectural knowledge and the development of personal intellectual thought through debate and resolution was a confronting concept for the orthodox Roman Papacy-dominated sixteenth-century Italy. By using the term monstrous, Serlio is unconditionally warning that the design act is not a simple one, and that while there may seem to be easy models to follow there are no definitive rules for success in any given situation.

Experience was fundamental for the capacity to form judgments of worth. It was derived not only through the experience of building and scrupulous evaluation of newly built work, but also through drawing and illustrating design concepts as accurately as the technology of the day permitted. Cesariano, in his illustration of the allegory of his moment of becoming the public figure of an architect, had requested forgiveness for his lowly beginnings. The boundaries and constraints of debate delineated architectural knowledge and its practical application, a hallmark of the emerging Italian professions.

Yale University Press, Later in his life, in Book I, Serlio was to v provide another reason for the order of printing of the books. Cambridge University Press, , Marcolini, , was printed it was bound with Book IV. Michel de Vascosan, , and Libro Extraordinario libro di architettura di Sebastiano Serlio, architetto del re christianissimo, nel quale si dimostrano trenta porte di opera rustica mista con diversi ordini, et venti di opera dilicata di diverse specie con la scrittura davanti, che narra il tutto, Lyon: Giovan di Tournes, According to Dinsmoor, the manuscripts to the seven books were complete and spoken of in a letter by the Italian antiquary Jacopo Strada of Mantua.

The copyright privilege was sought in Paris on December 25, and in Vienna on May 30, but it was finally published in Frankfurt-on-Main in Vitruvius per locundum solito castigatior factus cum figures et tabula ut iam legi et intelligi possit, Venitiis: Tipografia Stazione, c The practical and didactic emphasis in the text of the treatise has led many historians including Christof Thoenes, Francesco Paolo Fiore and Myra Rosenfeld to see his books as illustrated manuals rather than theoretical expositions.

Other architects are mentioned throughout the text but not as extensively as these. The Representation of Architecture, Henry A. Francoise Choay, The Rule and the Model: See also Francesco di Giorgio Martini in the introductory sections of Book V of his undated manuscript Trattati di architettura civile e militare, Codex Saluzzianus Biblioteca Reale in Turin, discusses the architect by paraphrasing Vitruvius.

Betts dates the three copies of di Giorgio as appearing between and Lilly, , for an early investigation of techniques. Gazette des Beaux-Arts, Galichon lists etchings with French titles as: Barth, , Seen in, Walter L. Abaris Books, , vols. The inscription also forms the basis of alternative interpretations offered. Aretino writes to architects including Michelangelo, Jacopo Sansovino and Giulio Romano but in a much more formal manner. Pietro Aretino to Giulio Romano. Pietro Aretino to Sebastiano Serlio, 11 April Reprinted in Pietro Aretino, Lettere.

Il primo e il secondo libro. Arnoldo Mondadori, , , and See also Aretino, Lettere, , See the exhibition catalogue, Ornament and Architecture: Brown University, , 18, and pls. Published and Unpublished, Lyle Massey, ed. Alec Tiranti, , Sesto seminario, Thoenes, ed. Ne tenendola sepolta ne le tenebre del mio terreno.

Quanto cognosciamo nulla essere generatione di homini: Cambridge University Press, , especially his section on the garden p. Prima integrale e fedele ristampa dell'unica rara edizione del , A cura di Alfredo Gerace. Goldschmidt, The Printed Book of the Renaissance: Cambridge University Press, , 7.

American Library Association, Barth, , XIV, , cat. This can be seen also in Adams et al. Et chi dubbita, che tal volta questa inventione non fusse al proposito per ornare un aporta: See, Vitruvius, Ten Books on Architecture, trans. Instituto di Studi Romani, , Also in Alberti, Ten Books on Architecture, trans. Joseph Rykwert et al. See also Alberti, Ten Books on Architecture, trans. Ho voluto nel principio di questo libro imitare I Comici antiqui, alcun de quali volendo representar una Comedia, mandava uno suo nuntio innanzi, che in succinte parole dava noticia a i spettatori, di tutto quello v che ne la Comedia si havea da trattare.

Il ragazzo nella stanza con i suoi tacchi rossi (Italian Edition)

Janet Adams suggests that the last known works of Agostino Veneziano are dated , see p. The second reference is to the frontispiece of M. Tullii Ciceronis Opera omnium quae hac tenus excusa sunt, castigates sima nunc primum in lucem edita, Venezia: David Campbell, , VII, The term sciografia derives from Greek sources.

These drawings were at 1: These bases are very differently conceived to those proposed for a depiction of the Orders in Regole generali di architettura. Veramente le cosa de gliantichi Romani sono meravigliose a gliocchi nostri: Yale University Press, , , n See the comparison between v these sentiments and those expressed on fol. Officina edizioni, , 17, , 29, and 54 as documented in Rosenfeld above. Paolo Lomazzo, Milanese pittore, Milano: Paolo Gottardo Ponte, , Sabine Frommel, Sebastiano Serlio architetto, , 24 also lists criticisms of G. Philandrier, In decem lobros M. Vittruvii Pollionis de architectura annotations, Roma: Andream Dossena Thaurinen, , and L.

Lippi , Il Malmantile racquistato, Venezia: This chapter investigates whether in this second frontispiece Serlio retains his basic concept of the architect, or whether he emphasises or extends this concept, or, perhaps, more radically, changes his earlier propositions. In Il terzo libro, to clarify his notion of transference of architectural form from antiquity Serlio not only included descriptions of many of these he had reconstructed in illustration, but also included descriptions with comments and illustrations of new buildings by Bramante, Raffaello, Peruzzi and others of his contemporaries and near- contemporaries.

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After Francesco Maria della Rovere spent a year in Venice, he confirmed his friendship with Serlio by inviting him to his court in Urbino during These items include broken fluted column segments, bases, entablatures, and cornice pieces and, together with the composition of four planes of rusticated arched pillars, they scenographically form the setting of the frontispiece. Investigation of the frontispiece will separate the component elements for analysis followed by an interpretation of what the narrative of the complete image contributes to knowledge about the sixteenth century architect.

Six component elements of the frontispiece are investigated for their contribution to the narrative of the frontispiece. Interpreting this statement was often rhetorically demanding in itself, being a composition in metre similar to a psalm. It was placed besides a painting and read while observing the work of art itself. As such, the reader of the image was made aware that reading the narrative implicit in the frontispiece illustration required attentiveness to the text of the lemma in combination with other visual clues in the frontispiece.

During , Christof Thoenes suggested a source could be an inscription on a painting of a fifteenth-century map of Rome located in Mantua. The map is anonymous and represents Rome as it was during Relevant to her search, the Mantuan Ambassador in Rome confirmed in a letter of , that it had still not been found. Frutaz concluded that it was sometime after that the map was finally transported to the Ducal Palace in Mantua. This statement has a notion of regret for a glory that has now gone.

In the Mantua map, below the representation of the city of Rome, there are two symbolic medallions: The leaves of the bay, in Roman times, were made into the laurel crown presented ceremoniously and worn by a victor. One of these emblems located between the two medallions was the representation of Aeneas fleeing Troy with his father on his shoulders. However, Federico was known to shift allegiances many times in his sovereignty. From to his death, Federico II had avoided active engagement with the military aggressions local to his duchy and focused on building up the display of magnificence in his court and city.

This was evident in his patronage of Giulio Romano for the design of his Palazzo del Te, built during , and the extensions to the Palazzo Ducale including the Appartamento de Troia built between Sabine Frommel has suggested, based on a letter of Ambassador Agnello written in February , that it was at this time that Serlio made contact with the court of Federico II Gonzaga in Mantua. It is most likely that Serlio would have travelled through Mantua on a number of occasions because it was an important city during the sixteenth century located at crossroads between Munich, Milan and Venice.

The paragraph from the Mirabilia is headed De nova Urbe and says: He rebuilt many churches, demolished to their foundations, in their original form. And truly his successors will have to undertake great effort to imitate him. Finally, your holiness and the followers of Sixtus himself, in a short space of time, will overcome: Many muses differ from that former time.

So how great Rome was the ruins themselves teach us. Nam quanta Roma fuit ipsa ruina docet. There are a number of occurrences that support the suggestion that Serlio had prior knowledge of the Mirabilia. Peter Murray has documented that Francesco Albertini was a canon of S. Lorenzo in Florence from , and had a thorough grounding in the arts. He says, In the Preface. Albertini tells us that Cardinal della Rovere, [Galleotto] the nephew of Julius II, complained to him about the fables in the Mirabilia. The della Rovere connection with Albertini and the development of his book makes it most likely that the Mirabilia would have been an important item in the library of the household.

During Serlio had also accompanied della Rovere to Urbino. Serlio, later recommends the architecture of Gegna in Book II of his treatise. Thus, a number of factors contribute to the probability that Serlio had used the Mirabilia as the source of his lemma. Most significant among these is his conformity to the rhetorical nature in the way the statement is formulated. Both texts reinforce the evidence that was already accepted in Rome: The ruins were presented as the key to revealing knowledge that was essential to the development of architecture in the mind of the architect.

Statements lamenting the demise of the Roman Empire or expressing dismay over the ruins of its architecture were also common in the sixteenth century. The man who sees the proud ruins of Rome the marvels of which testify that they were the habitations of the masters of the world blesses the spirit of the ancients that is carved into the theatres and amphitheatres. Through the lemma, Serlio stood firmly by his assertions of Book IV in its demand for personal examination of the ruins of classical antiquity as a requisite for understanding the limitations that the architectural theory of Vitruvius had for Renaissance architects and patrons.

Below the lemma, the setting used for the frontispiece is a rusticated portico in ruin that incorporated four planes of rusticated arches in perspectival view. Figure 17 The theme of rustication in the arches has been suggested as a development of the Porta Maggiore in Rome, which Serlio may have used as the prototype for his frontispiece because of its location in Rome. From analysis and comparison with these texts a more specific interpretation of the frontispiece can emerge. In the letter, Serlio excuses himself for not including in his book the numerous examples of classical Roman architecture in France and suggests that he is looking forward to experiencing it.

He concluded, Therefore it would not be faulty to have a mixture of rustic with one other style, symbolising by this partly the work of Nature and partly the work of human skill. The columns banded by rustic stones, and also the architrave and frieze interrupted by the voussoirs, represent the work of Nature, but the capitals, part of the columns and the cornice with the pediment represent the work of human hand.

He included as one example of rusticated work, a theatre at Pola, which, during this time was a Venetian territory in Central Europe. His second example was the Arena at Verona, and his third was an amphitheatre, again at Pola.

The building at Pola was rusticated, including entablatures of finished stone that did not conform to an order, but built on ideas for the Tuscan order that Serlio had documented in Book III. He said, The style of these parts of the entablature [at the lowest level of the Pola amphitheatre] is very different from those in Rome, as can be seen. I myself would never build cornices on my works like those on the amphitheatre in Rome, but I would indeed make use of these on the edifice at Pola because they are in a better style and better conceived.

I am absolutely certain that the architect of the former was different from that of the latter, and was perhaps German, in that the cornices on the Colosseum have something of the German style about them. The depiction conceptually parallels a timeline of Natural metamorphosis from fragments of Egyptian architecture to the architecture of the present. His theatrical scenes use central point perspective for their depictions, a convention not followed in the frontispiece to Book III. The origins of the centralised perspectival view reflected conformity to notions of power, order and rule.

In the scene of the frontispiece, Serlio located the vanishing point for the perspective to the lower right segment of the composition and thus away from the singularity intended by us of a central point. By devising such a location for the vanishing point, Serlio split the composition of the frontispiece into thirds both vertically and horizontally, making an asymmetrical composition and taking the focus of the image away from its centre. Serlio achieved compositional balance by developing three centres of interest along the horizontal axis of this perspectival construction. The first centre of interest, located significantly with the vanishing point on the right third of the image, is a collection of antique ruins including an Egyptian obelisk and pyramid of a more distant past.

The second centre of interest is the allegorical personification of Architettura located to the left of the vanishing point, but placed centrally in the frontispiece on the same horizontal axis. This implied circular movement suggests that the figure of Architettura or the discipline of architecture is the most dominant feature of this group being the point of change in the implied direction of travel from the vanishing point to its return. For Serlio, incorporated into the practices of the architect are the spiritual, the intellectual discipline of architecture and the corporeal understanding of the real world situations.

Interpretation of these will be carried out separately and interpretation made of their specific role in the narrative of the frontispiece in the last section of this chapter. A collection of classical fragments litters the foreground of the frontispiece and coincides on the right with the axis of the vanishing point producing an important focus in the frontispiece. The fragments can be separated into three groups, the first aligns with the axis of the vanishing point, the second is located in the Figure 22 Classical fragments detail, Frontispiece, Sebastiano Serlio, Il terzo libro nel qual si figurano, e descrivono le antichita di foreground of the illustration and extends across Roma, Venezia: Cambio al vertice dell'Osservatorio.

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