Atrévete a bucear (Color) (Deportes nº 46) (Spanish Edition)

Toda una mujer Sencillos[editar] Si no fueras Ni colores ni fronteras El paso para presentarse al famoso concurso lo dio gracias a las actividades que se realizaban en la misma academia. My Own Way Home Segueix-me el fil Tirant lo Blanc, de Joanot Martorell. Boeing boeing - Alexander Herold - Personaje: La dona vinguda del futur - TNC - Protagonista Temps de neu, Canal 33 - Reportera, presentadora Lalola, Antena 3 - Personaje: Emitido el domingo 5 de septiembre de Imagen de la marca O.

Y - Imagen de Seyart Jewels - Imagen de Otros[editar] Al sud del cel con Litus - en "Maleta de pedres" El resto de los programas fue presentado cada uno por uno de los concursantes. En participa y gana el concurso de Telecinco Vivo cantando: I" "Los LP originales Vol. Ha sido telonera de Frank Sinatra. El tiempo es oro Loca de amor Dana con "All Kinds of Everything" Predecesor: Julio Iglesias con "Gwendolyne". En febrero de fallece su hijo menor Fernando, en un accidente de moto. Pese a todo, este puesto no ha afectado en el desarrollo de su carrera musical.

El escenario elegido es un teatro. El clip fue estrenado en YouTube a finales de junio de Cuyo videoclip fue estrenado el 17 de febrero de Soraya fue la cantante directora del grupo azul. El premio final consiste en Ha sido portada de: Akustika Sencillos promocionales[editar] Canta si puedes concursante, especial de Nochevieja 63 Tu cara me suena artista invitada Pasapalabra concursante, especial Disney Comienzos[editar] Comenzaron actuando con sus hermanos Los Chunguitos, todos de familia plenamente gitana, hasta Algunos de sus temas entraron en la lista del chart Hot Latin: A lo largo de su carrera ha vendido varios millones de discos con estilos que van desde la Paloma es un ejemplo de saber separar la vida personal de la profesional.

Nunca habla apenas de su vida privada y, sin embargo, los periodistas la respetan enormemente. Sus influencias son muy variadas: El segundo, es el que da tema al disco: Editorial Suma de letras. El personaje de Rodolfo Sin embargo todo fue una parodia a la que se prestaron para el programa. Dansin Chiki-chiki, presentada por Santiago Segura. El ganador fue el ruso Dima Bilan con el tema Believe. En la gira del musical Los Miserables encarna el personaje de Jean Valjean.

Whitney Houston 41 puntos Quinto. Antonio Molina 63 puntos Ganador. Nino Bravo 55 puntos Segundo. Tino Casal 35 puntos Quinto. Joey Tempest Europe 31 puntos Sexto. Luis Miguel 23 puntos Sexto. Roy Orbison 48 puntos Tercero. Alejandro Sanz 30 puntos Quinto. Luis Mariano 56 puntos Segundo. Marc Anthony 50 puntos Segundo.

Joselito 33 puntos Segundos. Camilo Sesto 27 puntos Sextos. Ha sido galardonado en dos ocasiones con el premio Record Guiness. El 29 de enero de , en Illescas, Toledo, se casa con Isabel y celebra su luna de miel en Gran Canaria. El disco alcanzara las primeras posiciones en casi todo el mundo y se estima que se vendieron unas 20 millones de unidades en todo el planeta. El 29 de diciembre, su padre el Dr. Los premios Scopus le presentan en concierto como parte del homenaje a Johnny Carson. El perfume Only es lanzado a la venta por Julio Iglesias en una conferencia de prensa en abril.

Desde el 28 de enero de hay una estrella de la fama para Julio Iglesias en Scheveningen, Holanda. El disco recibe numerosos premios en todo el mundo. Hace nuevamente una gran gira mundial. Se estima que las ventas de este disco alcanzan las 10 millones de copias.

Por primera vez se le otorga a un latino. Julio Iglesias en El 19 de junio de , presenta su disco Noche de Cuatro Lunas. Al disco le sigue una gira mundial en la cual incluye: El sello con forma circular de 33,2 mm. Este tributo rinde homenaje a los logros profesionales de Julio Iglesias. Iglesias y Ronna Keitt. El 26 de julio de nace Ruth, hija del Dr. En quinto lugar figura Goya, con La pareja tiene cinco hijos comunes: Miguel Alejandro, nacido el 7 de septiembre de , Rodrigo, nacido el 3 de abril de , las gemelas Victoria y Cristina, nacidas el 1 de mayo de , y Guillermo, nacido el 5 de mayo de Marcas y certificaciones[editar] Barril firmado por Julio Iglesias.

Guaicaipuro de Oro de Venezuela Premio Antena de Colombia Premio que le acredita como n. Nombrado Embajador Cultural de Galicia para el Xacobeo 93 Nombrado Hijo Predilecto de Madrid Sus mejores canciones DVD seleccionados: Conchita Bautista y Rafael Farina. Bravo, todas su grabaciones. En decidieron abandonar el grupo y emprender carrera en solitario. En formaron parte del jurado del concurso de TVE, Lluvia de estrellas. El matrimonio tuvo dos hijas: Cuidado con la noche De par en par Lo que nunca muere Peticiones del oyente Las canciones de mi vida De ida y vuelta Rompe el tiempo Comenzar de zero Corre, corre Diva Espai pel somni A prop del mar - Nina junto al grupo de habaneras Port Bo En participa en un concierto del padre de Jesulin de Ubrique junto a Rocio Jurado, Manolo Escobar y varios artistas de renombre.

Devolviendonos dos temas cantados por ella. Ojos de cielo Para toda la vida Chocar con Nek Depende de ti Contigo hasta el final With you until the end Colaboraciones musicales[editar] Raquel del Rosario con Luca Barbarossa - Fino in fondo. Se llamaban Los Hermanos Montenegro. Ocasionalmente actuaba en locales de la costa catalana. Poco a poco, su nombre se fue conociendo en Barcelona. En , fue galardonado con la Cruz de Sant Jordi.

En , graba un nuevo disco Peret: Rumba pa'ti Discophon, Lamento gitano Discophon, Gipsy Rhumbas Discophon, Canta para el cine Vergara, Marujas asesinas Virgin, Single compartido con Dusminguet. Rey de la Rumba Virgin, Que levante el dedo K Industria Cultural, De los cobardes nunca se ha escrito nada Universal Music, Peret es la rumba Ariola, Siempre Peret PDI, Don Toribio Carambola Arcade, Singles Collection Divucsa, Mano a mano Divucsa, Tan pronto se fue corriendo la fama de su voz, fue invitado a actos y fiestas populares, comenzando por las fiestas de los barrios cercanos hasta las principales de su ciudad, a pesar de que no era del todo del agrado de su madre que se dedicase a cantar.

Este festival era uno de los principales de las islas y de los pocos que se televisaban en directo. Desde finales de vive en Oslo, donde trabaja para una productora nacional noruega, Seefood TV. Un hombre nuevo Madrid y Nueva York. David Civera con "Dile que la quiero".

En lanzan su cuarto disco y segundo a nivel nacional, titulado Directo a ti. El disco cuenta en su corte 11 - "Rompiendo el Silencio" -, el cual le da nombre al L. Hijo del cantante Dyango Para decir te quiero 4.

Bienvenido a 20minutos

Hay algo en ti 5. Vale la pena 6. As de corazones 8. Hoy he vuelto a llorar 9. La de siempre 2. No me digas 5. Estoy cansando de esperar 8. Entre la espada y la pared Vida [editar] 1. Me mata tu ausencia 7. Eres mi debilidad 9. Un poco de suerte Sentir Mi Historia [editar] 1. Entre la espada y la pared 8. Para decir que te quiero 9. Hoy he vuelto a llorar Vida Pluja d'estels [editar] 1.

Si No Fos Per Tu 2. La Bruixa Del Ball 4. Enmig Del Mar 5. Tinc Un Amic 6. Que Tinguem Sort 9. Hi Ha Quelcom En Tu Reina de las diosas 5. Hoy que te vas 6. Como una nube 7. Estudiando de sol a sol Dime si me quieres 6. A luz de vela 7. Yo te deje marchar 3. Como has cambiado mi vida 5. Ya no me esperes 8. The scope of traceable lineage was thus reimagined, and limited to the most recent generation.

If one parent was white, a child could claim membership in the new category: Ideologically, this term communicates that the land—the nation, its Hispanic heritage—confers an honorary whiteness upon its populace, such that the land in effect confers a racial birthright. During the 19th century, Santo Domingo transitioned from its status as a Spanish colony to an independent republic. In , upon ending 22 years of Haitian rule, and stirred by other Latin American independence movements, the Dominican Republic declared its independence.

The Haitian occupation and the triumph of independence have persisted in official discourses on Dominican national and racial identity. Furthermore, at the time that Dominican statehood emerged, Western powers with established racial projects and ideologies dominated the economic order, and concern over the race of Dominicans became prominent.

In the United States, where black Americans were still enslaved, politicians and journalists strategically classified Dominican racial identity in order to advance political and ideological agendas regarding Dominican statehood and the American racial order: From Colony to Republic Dominicans were portrayed as blacks to prevent official recognition of statehood, and as mostly non-blacks to advocate official recognition of statehood Torres-Saillant, The American racial project with respect to the Dominican Republic served to whiten the national image of the country.

As a nascent state, the Dominican Republic took on the assigned characterization of whiteness from the powerful Western states and was required to view itself in relationship to those states as well as to the similarly emerging Haitian state. In the early 20th century, the United States occupied the Dominican Republic by military force, bringing the Dominican Republic into direct contact with U.

During this period, the Trujillo regime also cemented prior efforts to conflate racial and national identities. As the Dominican populace subscribed to this ideology to varying degrees, the construction of nation and identity were not homogenous. Whereas, on the international level, blackness and whiteness were alternately projected onto the Dominican Republic by the United States to accomplish political and ideological agendas, on the domestic level, the Dominican state exercised its authority to recast blackness as a characteristic of these groups of cultural outsiders.

By the late 20th century, a broad lexicon existed for the description of race and physical appearance. These new categories reflected evolving notions of Dominican identity and marked a shift from the lineage-determined racial descriptors of the colonial period e.

Over time, the new system, wherein descent was not determinative, became the focus of external examination and critique. In the conceptual evolution of raza in the Dominican Republic, the notion of race evolves from strictly lineage based—gendered, ideological, and grounded in colonial law— to limited scope lineage, to an effective departure from the determinative lineage model.

Meanwhile, through legal frameworks and acts of the State, alternative racial legacies drift in and out of focus: The following section analyzes racial categories found in historical corpus data, with a focus on frequency, connotation, and markedness. Analysis of Racial Categories in Historical Discourse: Corpus Analysis The data for the corpus analysis portion of this study are drawn from three online Spanish language corpora: The Archivo General de Indias, although it does not disclose a word count, contains more than 43, document files from the Spanish colonial empire from the 15th through the 19th centuries.

The three corpora contain written discourse and comprise documents from genres including literature, correspondence, the press, court records, official decrees, edicts, reports, legal codes, travel and property records, and online blogs. Because of the nature of the documents, racial terms appear primarily as descriptions and not as forms of address. While recognizing that many racial descriptors exist in the Dominican Republic e. As in other systems of racial classification, these terms are not freestanding, but rather exist as part of an enduring colonial racial hierarchy that positions whiteness as aspirational and blackness as regression Wheeler, After filtering out tokens that do not pertain to the description of race and 29 duplicate tokens, the number of relevant tokens for analysis is Table 3 shows the distribution of tokens by search term and by database.

Table 4 shows the forms of each racial term returned by the search. This new usage does not necessarily correspond to indigenousness. From Colony to Republic Table 4. Word Forms by Racial Term The analysis begins by examining frequency, form and context in historical and current data to understand the usage norms for each term.

The analysis then explores the connotations of each term and the mechanisms by which authors alter these connotations. Historical and Current Usage This section explores the distribution of frequency for racial terms in the data set. Figure 2 shows the frequency of each term over time. The four most frequent terms—negro, indio, blanco, mulato—correspond to traditional conceptions of race in the colonial Americas: Of the four terms, negro and blanco describe both race and color.

Indio, although significantly more contentious in this regard, also describes race and, in the contemporary Dominican Republic, color. Mulato, in these data, only describes race. From Colony to Republic Figure 2. When the data are divided by century, forms of negro remain the most frequent tokens in every time period except the 16th century— where forms of indio are most frequent. Overall, indio represents The remaining six terms represent just over a quarter of the tokens: From Colony to Republic over time, the analysis now turns to an examination of context and connotation for the four most frequent terms in ascending order: Mulato During the colonial period, mulato was a legally recognized racial category, defined as offspring of legitimately married white fathers and black mothers.

To further understand the meaning and connotations of mulato it is helpful to examine the linguistic context s in which its forms occur. Sixty-three tokens of mulato occur in the data. The frequency data appear in Table 6. Of the 63 tokens, 45 The noun form mulataje appears once in the data.

The tokens also speak to the position of the mulato within the racial hierarchy and the value placed on specific physical traits. For example, one author speaks about beautiful mulatos with straight hair and features typically associated with whiteness row 2. Another describes mulatas as seductresses row 3. From Colony to Republic Table 7. Mulato in Context These examples and their connotations are relatively recent.

Prior to the 20th century, authors that used forms of mulato also had to navigate its implications regarding slavery. In this respect, mulato is an ambiguous term, not clearly referencing an enslaved or free person. Thus, where relevant, authors accomplish this distinction using modifiers and contextual clues. As discussed above, and as in Table 8, forms of mulato occur with libre to emphasize freedom row 1 , and with esclavo to emphasize enslaved status row 2. Authors also allude to enslaved status, without using the word esclavo, by describing, for example, a situation in which a mulata is given lashes row 3.

Mulato and Enslaved Status Mulato, thus, describes the racial mixture of blanco and negro. Correspondingly, within the racial hierarchy of the Dominican Republic, mulato falls below blanco and above negro. From Colony to Republic This hierarchy is consistent with the racial ideology of the colonial period. With respect to slavery, mulato has historically been an ambiguous term.

Given this ambiguity, authors navigate connotations of enslaved status using the descriptors libre and esclavo and other contextual clues.

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Blanco The use of blanco derives from the presence of Spanish colonizers on the island of Hispaniola. During the colonial period, blanco was also a legally recognized racial category. To further understand the connotations of blanco, it is helpful to examine its forms in linguistic context.

Eighty-three tokens of blanco appear in the data, and these frequency data are summarized in Table 9. Of the 83 tokens of blanco, 63 The noun form blancura appears once in the data. In some cases, blanco has an inflection of outsider status row 3. From Colony to Republic blanco is unambiguous with respect to status.

There are no occurrences of blanco libre, for example, as libre would be superfluous in this context, given that all blancos were by definition free. Blanco in Context As with mulato, there is a contrast between recent tokens and earlier tokens. Of the 83 tokens of blanco, only eight 9. Of the eight pre- 20th century tokens, only two describe an individual. The examples in Table 11 shed some light on the paucity of blanco tokens during this time period and reveal blanco as the unmarked racial form. Example 1 is an excerpt from a passenger log that describes five passengers: From Colony to Republic listing six people, the author includes race for mulato and negro passengers.

The others are described according to profession or personal relationship.

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In row 3, servants are listed as criado, with family lineage, and the esclavo is described as negro. In this historical context, describing a person as blanco is not the societal norm—not because it is impolite, but rather, because it is unnecessary. Blanco as Unmarked Racial Form Blanco, in these tokens, represents the top of the racial hierarchy in the Dominican Republic and reveals the persistent imprint of the colonial period.

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In contemporary usage, blanco is associated with desirable physical characteristics. However, blanco is also associated with outsider status and may be described in negative terms. With respect to slavery, blanco is unambiguous and requires no modifiers because it carries a presumption of freedom. Furthermore, as the data indicate that whiteness was historically the unmarked racial default, the use of blanco was actually superfluous in many contexts. From Colony to Republic Indio Although the use of indio as a skin color term is one of the more contentious practices in the contemporary Dominican Republic, it is helpful to examine the linguistic context s in which forms of indio occur to understand its meaning over time.

Two hundred and one tokens of indio appear in the data. The frequency data appear in Table Of the tokens, 76 Authors also refer to the Indian race raza india , Indian caste casta india , Indian territory territorio indio , and Indian words vocablos indios. Three additional tokens 1. Likewise, forms of indio appear in a variety of social contexts.

The indio is described as beautiful and well configured, while also non existent in the contemporary Dominican Republic row 1 in Table Indios are also presented as conquered, weak, and for service examples in row 2. Despite these negative characterizations, however, indio is positioned above negro in the racial hierarchy row 3. From Colony to Republic skin color descriptor, the characterizations are almost uniformly positive row 4. Indio in Context The greatest percentage of tokens of indio This concentration of tokens speaks to the historical context of the 16th century.

Six tokens of indio 2. As the Spanish colonizers brought in enslaved Africans to replace indigenous labor, freedom suits arose, brought by and on behalf of persons described as indio. From Colony to Republic suits regarding indios row 3. Indio, Slavery, and Freedom The term indio historically referred to indigenous populations of the Americas.

Particularly in the 16th century, the term indio—like mulato—was ambiguous with respect to enslaved status. As such, authors navigated the issue by employing the modifier esclavo or other contextual clues. In contemporary discourse, indios are referred to as a historical racial group—conquered, weak, for service.

However, indio is placed above negro in the racial hierarchy, and, particularly when used as a color term, denotes positive characteristics. Negro Negro has a long history tying it to blackness and to Africa. The corpus data reveal additional information regarding the meaning and connotation of negro over time. Of the tokens of negro, The remaining tokens demonstrate patterns of co-occurrence as in Table The context in 32 additional cases 9. From Colony to Republic negro with slavery in The data additionally reveal that forms of negro occur with broad group descriptors: Of the tokens of negro, 36 Forms of negro appear in a variety of contexts.

For example, el negro, although described as among the best athletes, is also described as unappealing and savage, undesirable, and ethnically degenerate row 1 of Table Moreover, authors describe discrimination and the position of the negro within the racial hierarchy row 1. From Colony to Republic described as beautiful and princesses row 2. Negro in Context 1. From Colony to Republic 4. Roughly half of the tokens of negro With these earlier tokens, authors that use forms of negro also have to navigate its implications regarding enslaved status.

In this respect, negro, like mulato and to a lesser degree indio, is an ambiguous term, not clearly referencing an enslaved or free person. Thus, authors accomplish this distinction, where relevant, using modifiers and contextual clues. As above, and as in Table 17, forms of negro occur with libre to emphasize freedom 4. Authors also allude to enslaved status 9. Likewise, authors allude to free negros without using the word libres, but rather, by using contextual information such as travel without a sponsor row 3 or possession of freedom documents row 4.

Negro, Slavery, and Freedom 1. In fact, although in conflict with the dominant Catholic beliefs of the setting, many Dominicans have sought, and continue to seek, the counsel of brujos. From Colony to Republic 2. This position is an enduring colonial legacy. Historically, as with mulato and indio, negro is an ambiguous term with respect to slavery. In contemporary discourse, forms of negro can be associated with some positive characteristics such as athletic ability and beauty, but they are also frequently associated with negative characteristics and undesirability.

Having discussed the diachronic frequency, form, and context of racial terms in the Dominican Republic, the analysis turns to a consideration of the role of euphemism in the use of racial terms. This section discusses the role of euphemism in the Dominican Republic as it relates to forms of negro.

Although some forms of negro present as somewhat neutral descriptors e. Despite negative associations, forms of negro are still the most frequent in the data. The continued frequency speaks to the descriptive strength and utility of the word negro and informs the strategies used to mitigate the accompanying stigma of blackness. Such strategies appear in at least three ways: Mitigating Strategies for the Use of Negro Diminutives 1. Esta morena de pelo muy crespo habla con autoridad sobre cualquier tema.

From Colony to Republic 7. First, the use of diminutives has been explored as a pragmalinguistic facet of politeness e. Seven tokens of diminutive forms of negro appear in the data, manifesting as negrillas, negrillos, negrito, and negritos. The first example from Table 18 is an excerpt from a property inventory. The author employs the diminutive form negrillas to describe some enslaved girls.

Here, the diminutive morpheme corresponds to the age of the girls described in the document. In addition to the diminutive form negrillas, the author adds diminutive morphemes to form the names Hernandillo and Beatrizilla. The second example is an excerpt from a novel in which the author is describing physical characteristics of the characters. The third example is from a magazine and represents a speaker characterizing the temporary condition of being tanned after spending time in the sun.

Here, diminutives are used to describe children, the physical appearance of a character, and the temporary condition of being dark after a tan. This argument would appear to hold true for moreno and mulato, which can be used in the same contexts as negro e. While prieto can also serve this substitution function e. The third mitigating strategy is the use of broad euphemistic terms to describe race.

This particular term evokes the racial euphemisms of the United States. Because afroamericanos references a broad understanding of the Americas, Afro-descended people in North and South America and the Caribbean could be covered by the term, and afroamericanos does not carry the same stigma as negro. Negro is the descriptor that has historically represented the bottom of the racial hierarchy in the Dominican Republic, and thus several strategies exist to mitigate the stigma of its forms—diminutives, diluted forms, and broad euphemistic terms.

These terms can also invoke dysphemism in some contexts, as in the case of prieto. Having explored the role of euphemism and dysphemism as it relates to representations of blackness, the analysis now turns to the linguistic strategies involved when race is exchanged for other descriptors. From Colony to Republic describing people using characteristics other than race.

This trend manifests with respect to the description mechanism of color. A specific color description appears in the data for the terms indio 20 percent , moreno Absent are the terms blanco and mulato. For mulato, this result is not surprising, as mulato is not used as a color descriptor in these data.

The absence of blanco will be discussed below. Distribution of "de color Without exception, these tokens describe individuals who are free d or have the foreseeable potential to be free e. The connection between the description and free status is important in the 16th century context due to the ambiguity inherent in the term negro as discussed in section 1. From Colony to Republic commenting on the status of the individual. The de color formulation is never used to describe someone who is enslaved and without the immediate potential for freedom.

Thus, while the formulation does not hide the race of the described individual, it affords a certain courtesy that is not extended to the indefinitely enslaved. The tokens for de color moreno in the 19th century perform the same function. Critically, though, these tokens do not include explicit descriptors of freedom. This early function of the de color formulation—to remove ambiguity regarding enslaved status—returns the discussion to the question of why a de color blanco formulation does not appear in the data.

As discussed in section a, blanco is an unambiguous term during the colonial period. An individual who is blanco is by default also free. Historical Documents With the historical corpus analysis as a backdrop, this section analyzes the nature and historical use of racial terms found in specific historical documents. The first section discusses skin color as a legally significant characteristic and as a non-exclusive descriptor in the 16th century. The second section discusses racial categories as legal categories in the 18th century; and the final section explores the relationship between race and skin color categories in the 20th century.

Skin Color as Legal Category and Non-Exclusive Descriptor in 16th-Century Petition for Freedom Although, as discussed in earlier sections, much of the focus during the colonial period was on racial categories, there was a simultaneous discourse on skin color that implied color as a legally significant characteristic, and color as a non-exclusive space of identity. From Colony to Republic word color, when used in conjunction with a descriptor of blackness e.

An example of color as legal status appears in Figure 3. Archivo General de Indias, ES. This same document demonstrates the colonial conception of color as a non-exclusive space of identity. That is, color descriptors were not mutually exclusive—such that different individuals might describe a single person using different color descriptors. Moreover, such was the non- exclusive nature of this space that a single individual might describe a single other using multiple color descriptions.

The version of the document that is available to me comprises 24 pages, subdivided into 11 separate statements and additional notes. Of fourteen descriptions, four use prieto; six use moreno; and four use negro. Each term—moreno, negro, prieto—has its own meaning and nuance, but all three terms are used here to describe the same individual—Pedro de Carmona. These data tend to indicate that the categories moreno, negro and prieto were not mutually exclusive during the colonial period, but rather allowed for categorical overlap.

From Colony to Republic purely physical one. The document additionally highlights the flexibility afforded to a speaker to describe a single individual using different racial terms in the same setting. This is demonstrated in Figures 4 and 5. This page of the document appears to be written in the first person. Lines 1 and 2 begin: Pedro de Carmona describes himself as 'de color prieto' Source: In this portion of the document, Pedro de Carmona lays the foundation of his claim. From Colony to Republic married a woman named Isabel to whom he had been married for thirteen years lines The signature of Pedro de Carmona appears at the bottom of the page, although not shown here.

On a later page of the document, Pedro de Carmona again speaks in the first person. This page also bears the signature of Pedro de Carmona. Pedro de Carmona describes himself as 'de color moreno' Source: Because both of these pages are signed by Pedro de Carmona and written in the first person, one may safely conclude that Pedro de Carmona is the author of both statements. Moreover, the two statements appear in the same document and have the same audience. From Colony to Republic in two distinct ways: Because of the legal nature of this document—a petition submitted to the court—it is reasonable to expect that the information included in the document will be accurate.

That the court accepts both descriptions for a single individual further supports the argument that the categories moreno and prieto are not mutually exclusive during the colonial period. The same phenomenon occurs when others describe Pedro de Carmona. Figures 6 and 7 appear in the same document and appear to be written in the same handwriting. Whereas Figure 6 describes Pedro de Carmona as color negro line 5 , Figure 7 describes him as color prieto line 4. Here again, a single speaker describes a single subject using two different skin color terms: As with prieto and moreno, the usage of negro and prieto to describe the same individual, and the acceptance of this use by the court, supports the argument that the categories negro and prieto are not mutually exclusive.

Pedro de Carmona described as 'color negro' Source: From Colony to Republic 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 Figure 7. Pedro de Carmona described as 'color prieto' Source: The notion of skin color as a non-exclusive space persists beyond the colonial period and continues to manifest itself in contemporary discourse on identity in the Dominican Republic. The next section turns to an exploration of racial categories as legal categories in the 18th century. The code frames the importance of these categories in the following way: From Colony to Republic And being necessary to this effect to make before all things the opportune division of their races or generations for the classes and censuses in which they must distribute themselves and for the fair regulation of civil rights, concept and rank that they must have in the public order and the ministries and trades to which according to their diverse classes they must dedicate themselves, we will divide their population.

The code defines six racial categories, summarized in Table The directionality of the race-gender dynamic for this category is clear. While the code contemplates the union of a white man and a black woman, it does not acknowledge the possibility of a union between a black man and white woman. This image of an 18th-century mulato is a rare glimpse into the physical understanding of the term during the late colonial period.

From Colony to Republic Figure 8: The code defines the offspring of a mestizo and a white person as blanco, stating: From Colony to Republic condition of their slaves. Whiteness is aspirational—a social privilege to which the populace should aspire, one that may be restored under strict conditions if it is lost.

A person that is not blanco must treat all blancos as if they were his or her master. Rules of this type solidify the position of blanco as at the top of the colonial racial hierarchy. From Colony to Republic social conduct that would not otherwise be criminal becomes a punishable offense. In this process, additional layers of the racial hierarchy are revealed. Otherwise stated, negro and its nearest category are at the bottom of the hierarchy, and categories that incorporate each successive generation of blanco approach the top of the hierarchy. This order is demonstrated in the penalties that the code outlines for offenses against a person legally recognized as blanco.

For example, for the offense of disrespecting a white person, a negro or pardo would be put in stocks in the public square and given 25 lashes. For this offense, the punishment for the negro and pardo involves physical harm and public shame, and the punishment for the other categories involves a short period of incarceration and a fine. Likewise, for the more egregious offense of striking a white person, a negro or pardo would be given lashes in the public square and spend two years in prison with shackles on his feet.

For this offense, the difference in penalties for the two groups is quite marked. Racial Categories and Labor Restrictions In addition to expectations for social conduct, the code sets out labor restrictions by racial category. For example, the code provides: From Colony to Republic are grouped together in the privileged group. Negros and pardos, irrespective of enslaved or free status, may not wear pearls, emeralds or precious stones. Additionally, persons in these categories may not wear precious metals such as gold and silver.

Negras and pardas may not wear lace shawls; and negros may not carry a sword or walking stick or wear hats with gold or silver braids. These restrictions based on race superseded even enslaved or free status. Reconciling Race and Skin Color Categories in the 20th Century As racial categories continued to develop over time, scholars teased apart distinctions between racial categories and nuanced subcategories e.

From Colony to Republic Table Of these matices, 1, 2, 3, 9, 12, 16, 17, 18, and 19 are further explored in later chapters of this dissertation. Furthermore, several trends emerge from an initial exploration of these data. These three categories also overlap with matices 2, 17 and Interestingly, mulato as a matiz racial category does not fall within the mulato racial category, but rather falls within the category attributed to raza negra. The placement of mulato in the negro racial category tracks the colonial grouping of negro and mulato for purposes of social, occupational and sartorial restrictions.

From Colony to Republic broad racial category of negro and track the 16th-century usage of these terms as seen in section C, subsection 1 of this chapter. While many of the terms appearing as matices raciales persist from the colonial period e. In some cases, while the form of a term has remained the same since the colonial period, the function or index of the term has changed.

This is the case, for example, with the term indio. During the colonial period, indio was used to describe the indigenous populations of the Americas, and colonizers regarded indio as a race. Near the beginning of the 20th century, however, residents of the Dominican Republic began using the term indio to describe skin color. The notion that indio could be used as a descriptor of color was hotly contested in academic and social circles, both internationally and domestically.

In the s, Dominican academics spoke out vocally in the press regarding the perceived absurdity of using indio as a skin color descriptor. The newspaper excerpt in Figure 9 is an example. From Colony to Republic Figure 9: Indio has not been the only contested category in the Dominican Republic, however, as another professor, sociologist Dagoberto Tejeda, contests whether the color blanco exists in the Dominican Republic either.

From Colony to Republic Figure Chapter Summary This chapter has engaged historical data regarding the use of racial terms in the Dominican Republic to frame the diachronic dimension of the study. To accomplish this objective, this chapter has undertaken three tasks: First, the chapter has discussed the history and the historical racial setting of the Dominican Republic, with a particular focus on the social and legal import of racial terms.

From this analysis, a four-part colonial racial hierarchy has emerged: From Colony to Republic This first section additionally discussed the ways in which domestic and international political actors shaped the understanding of race and racial categories as Santo Domingo transitioned from a colony to a republic. As time progressed, the notion of race evolved from strictly lineage based, to referencing a limited scope of lineage, to an effective departure from the determinative lineage model. Second, the chapter has analyzed the historical use of racial terms in the Dominican Republic using corpus data and focusing on frequency, connotation, and euphemism.

This analysis has revealed a persistent racial hierarchy, where forms of negro, mulato, and indio can take on connotations of slavery and servitude, while forms of blanco are unambiguously at the top of the hierarchy. While forms of negro are the most frequent over time in the corpus data, because of negative connotations, euphemisms are frequently used to mitigate the stigma of these forms.

Third, this chapter has discussed the historical use of racial terms using a 16th-century court document, an 18th-century legal code, and 20th-century research and media. This analysis reveals that, during the colonial period, skin color was also legally significant and that skin color categories such as moreno, negro, and prieto were not mutually exclusive. The analysis additionally reveals the legal ramifications of race.

In the 18th century, race corresponded to civil rights, criminal penalties, occupational possibilities, and wardrobe restrictions. Finally, the analysis has discussed the relationship and overlap of race and skin color categories in the 20th century, outlining the relationship between raza and matiz racial and showing how some categories have been contested over time. Although many such words exist see e. The terms should not be understood primarily through their English cognates forms, but rather through the careful construction of meaning undertaken in the present study. This study employs a mixed methods research design.

Through the combination of quantitative and qualitative methodologies, the analysis provides a more comprehensive understanding of the question than either individual approach Creswell, For this study, I employ phenomenological research—ethnography, observation, and interviews—and survey research—biographical and photo description questionnaires. These diverse methods of data collection have yielded multiple forms of data: Likewise, the multiple forms of data necessitate multiple forms of analysis—statistical analysis of the survey data using frequencies and association rules, and coding, thematic develop, and thematic analysis of the qualitative data.

Experimental Methodology integrate both types of data to interpret the results, I am employing convergent parallel mixed methods analysis see Creswell, , p. This chapter consists of five parts. The first part describes the research sites of the study. This includes the cities where the research was conducted, as well as the specific institutions and settings in each city from which participants were drawn. The second part describes the demographic information of the participants who supplied survey and interview data and outlines the process by which participants were selected for the sample.

The third part addresses the quantitative and qualitative methods and instruments by which data were collected, including ethnography, surveys and interviews. The fourth part describes the qualitative and quantitative approaches used to analyze the data for the study. Finally, the fifth part addresses the potential limitations of the study. Research Sites The Dominican Republic occupies the eastern two-thirds of the Caribbean island of Hispaniola; and the western third of the island belongs to the Republic of Haiti.

Juxtaposition of the two nations and national identities is a frequently recurring theme in academic literature as well as social understanding. The official language of the country is Spanish.

At the time of data collection, the population of the Dominican Republic was approximately Experimental Methodology Figure The following sections describe each city and the settings from which participants were drawn. Map of Dominican Republic Source: With nearly one million residents , in , Santiago is the second largest city in the Dominican Republic. Santiago is also at the center of research on Dominican linguistics and identity e. I conducted ten weeks of fieldwork in Santiago from October to December As I observed and participated, people talked freely about race, color and identity—both national and individual.

In Santiago, I also recruited the models for the photo description questionnaire from a large public university. I described to each model the purpose of the study and asked them to sign a consent form in Spanish indicating the level of consent they would give for the use of their photo e. Approximately 50 individuals consented to be models and 14 Source: Ayuntamiento Municipio de Santiago: Experimental Methodology have their picture taken. Of this number, 48 were featured on the photo description questionnaires for the study.

Of the 48 featured models, three individuals consented to have their photos included in the study but not used in presentations or publications. Two local universities provided the first participants for the study. The first university was large and private and had the reputation for catering to a population with high socioeconomic means.

The second university, also private but smaller, contained students from diverse socioeconomic groups. At each university, I submitted a written request to conduct the study on the campus and included a description of my project aims and methods. Administrators at each university reviewed and approved the methods. Within Santiago, I looked beyond the academic sphere for additional participants.

In conjunction with a local sociologist, I selected sectors of the city that represented different socioeconomic groups: The participants from Pueblo Nuevo were surveyed in the Barrio Seguro community center; in La Joya and La Otra Banda, in the home of community leaders and a colmado corner store.

Experimental Methodology participants were drawn from the neighborhood where I resided—Reparto Montero, at the local colmado; from local bookstores, and a cultural center. Santo Domingo The second research site for the study is the capital city of Santo Domingo, the most populous city in the Dominican Republic. Santo Domingo has affluent sectors, middle class and working class neighborhoods, and infamous barrios, and it boasts a host of diverse residents.

Due to the sheer number of its inhabitants, Santo Domingo offers the opportunity to interview and observe people of many different ages, races and social strata. Previous studies on race ethnicity in the Dominican Republic have used Santo Domingo as a research site as well Howard, I conducted twelve weeks of fieldwork in Santo Domingo from January to April As in Santiago, as I observed and participated in daily life in Santo Domingo, people spoke freely about race, color, and identity.

Three universities provided participants in Santo Domingo. The second was large and private and located in the same sector. The third university was small and private and located in Gazcue. Beyond the academic sphere, I selected sectors of the city that represented different socioeconomic groups: Participants from Bella Vista and La Julia were interviewed at their residences.

Participants in La Caleta were surveyed and interviewed at restaurants and a local park. Participants in Sabana Perdida Sur were surveyed and interviewed at the home of community leaders, and at a polling station for local elections. On market days, Dominicans and Haitians are allowed to cross the border between the two countries without restriction, and buyers and sellers haggle in the marketplace in Spanish, French, and Kreyol.

Survey participants were drawn from a local university, and interview participants were drawn from the university and local non-profit organizations.

Lista: Cantantes españoles de Eurovisión

Participant demographics and method of selection are described below. Overall The sample for the study comprises Dominican adults that represent a range of ages, socioeconomic groups, sexes, and phenotypes. Across tasks, participants took part in the study. Of this number, participants completed Survey 1; 64 participants completed Survey 2; and 23 participants consented to the direct interview four of the interview participants also completed Survey 1 or 2. Age information was collected via a biographical data questionnaire.

The range of participant ages for all sites is 18 to 73 years old. To gauge socioeconomic group, I triangulated three factors: Neighborhood, Level of Education, and Profession. Among student participants, I initially gauged socioeconomic group via the public or private status and cost of attending their respective universities. With respect to the socioeconomic composition of neighborhoods, I consulted with local researchers sociologists, anthropologists. During the study, participants reported information regarding neighborhood, education level, and profession on a biographical data questionnaire.

Neighborhood and profession data will be discussed below in the sections for each research site. Level of education data appear in Figure 16 below. Nivel medio spans 4 years and is comparable to grades 9 through 12 in the United States. Nivel medio is not mandatory. Nivel superior is divided into two subcategories for purposes of the study: Seventy percent of participants in the sample had completed or were in the process of completing university or postgraduate degrees.

To account for and analyze possible differing use of race and skin color terms by the sexes, I recruited participants that represent both sexes. The sample includes slightly more women 55 percent than men 44 percent. This is due to sampling convenience factors. Experimental Methodology The data analysis accounts for participant sex as a variable to determine whether this factor influences race and skin color classification.

Participant information by sex appears in Figure 17 below. Participant information by phenotype is listed in Figure Experimental Methodology Region Santiago: Santiago de los Caballeros This section will discuss the participants and sample selection procedures for Santiago. In Santiago, participants participated in two research tasks according to the following distribution: Survey 1 participants , Interview 7 participants, with one interview participant overlapping both tasks.

Participants for Survey 1 were selected using a Quota Sampling procedure. To determine these quotas, I first observed the characteristics of the population and determined that the sample should be representative in four respects: Sex, Phenotype, Age, and Socioeconomic Group. Then, I collaborated with a local sociologist to construct the sample. The sample includes academic and community populations.

For the academic sample, I selected two universities—one large and private with a high cost of attendance High Cost University , and the second small and private with a low cost of attendance Low Cost University —whose students represented a range of socioeconomic groups. At each university, I first met with administrators to obtain consent to conduct the study. Once the project was approved, administrators referred me to professors whose students would serve as participants for the study.

The total participants in the academic population was 66, comprising 44 percent of the sample. Experimental Methodology Table From this list, I worked with a local sociologist to identify city sectors that represented working class, middle class, and upper-middle class populations. I then called the president of the junta de vecinos for each of the identified neighborhoods, explained the project and how many people I would need, and set up a time to meet with participants from that area.

At one of the research sites, my contact from the junta de vecinos put me in contact with a community leader from a nearby municipality and public employees from the local government. Thus, the community sample comprises participants from working, middle, and upper-middle class neighborhoods in Santiago, from a neighboring rural municipality, and local public employees. The 78 community participants comprise 52 percent of the sample.

The distribution by sector appears in Table 26 below. The seven participants come from working class, middle class, and upper- middle class settings. Five of the Interview participants are from High Cost University; one is from La Otra Banda a working-class neighborhood , and one is from Reparto Montero a middle-class neighborhood. Interview participants 6 mutually exclusive from Survey 1 participants comprise 4 percent of the sample population. The following sections describe the sex, phenotype, age, and socioeconomic group information for the Santiago Sample. The Santiago sample comprises 70 men and 79 women, and one participant that did not report his or her sex on the biographical questionnaire.

This yields a distribution of 47 percent men and 53 percent women. Participant sex is included as a factor in the data analysis. B blanco, blanca , I indio, india , M mulato, mulata, mestizo, mestizo, moreno, morena , and N negro, negra. Participants self reported this information on a biographical information questionnaire. Participants in Santiago cover a broad range of ages and generational perspectives. Participants in the Santiago sample range in age from 18 to Within this range, the distribution is as summarized in Table Due to the academic community sampling, younger respondents are highly represented in the sample.

This distribution, however, is also consistent with the national population distribution from Figure Age is initially included as a factor in the data analysis, and preliminary explorations reveal that age is not among the most salient variables in determining racial categories. Age Distribution Santiago AGE 34 41 13 11 13 8 9 9 4 4 3 1 Total Socioeconomic Group. In addition to the university-cost and neighborhood sampling conducted in the preliminary sampling stage, participants represent a variety of educational and professional backgrounds.

The sample contains participants from each level of the Dominican education system: When the Academic Population is removed from the sample, the distribution appears much more comparable. For the Academic Population, participants are either students or professors.

Representative professions from the community sample appear in Table 29 below. This diversity is exemplified in the two most frequent professions for participants in the sample. The most frequent category is Education professions, and the second most frequent category is Homemaker. Santo Domingo This section discusses the participants and sample selection procedures for Santo Domingo. In Santo Domingo, participants participated in three research tasks according to the following distribution: Survey 1 participants , Survey 2 31 participants , Interview 9 participants, with three interview participants overlapping Surveys 1 and 2.

Participants for Surveys 1 and 2 were selected using Quota and Snowball Sampling procedures. I first observed the characteristics of the population and determined that the sample should be representative in the same four respects as in Santiago: Then, I collaborated with a local anthropologist, linguists, and social researchers to construct the sample. As in Santiago, the Santo Domingo Sample includes academic and community populations. For the academic sample, I selected three universities—one small and private with a low cost of attendance Low Cost University , one large and private with a high cost of attendance High Cost University , and one large and public Public University —whose students represent a range of socioeconomic groups.

Once the project was approved, administrators again referred me to professors whose students would serve as participants for the study. Experimental Methodology participants in the academic population were 80, comprising Once we identified the relevant sectors, I was given contact information for a contact person at each site. At each site, I explained the project and how many people I would need to the contact person, and the contact person introduced me to participants from that area. Thus, the community sample comprises participants from barrios in Santo Domingo, academic and social organizations, municipalities, and a neighboring community.

The 74 community participants comprise The distribution by sector appears in Table 31 below. The eight participants come from barrio, academic, municipality, neighboring community, and upper-middle class settings. One interview participant is from Guachupita barrio ; one is a professor from an academic setting; three participants are from municipalities Santo Domingo Este, Sabana Perdida Sur ; one participant is from La Caleta neighboring community ; one participant is a government employee; and two are from upper-middle class backgrounds.

Interview participants 5 mutually exclusive from Survey participants comprise 3 percent of the sample population. The following sections describe the sex, phenotype, age, and socioeconomic group information for the Santo Domingo Sample. The Santo Domingo sample comprises 92 women and 66 men, and three participants that did not report their sex on the biographical questionnaire. This yields a distribution of 41 percent men and 57 percent women. Participants in the Santo Domingo sample range in age from 18 to Experimental Methodology however, is also consistent with the national population distribution from Figure In addition to the university-cost and sector sampling conducted in the preliminary sampling stage, participants represent a variety of educational and professional backgrounds.

Experimental Methodology the sample, the distribution appears much more comparable. Representative professions from the Community Sample appear in Table 34 below. Survey 2 33 participants , Interview 7 participants. Participants for Survey 2 were selected using Convenience Sampling procedures. I collaborated with a local folklorist and a university professor to construct the sample, which was to include academic and community populations. For the academic sample, I selected the primary local university—a small, private institution part of a national university.

I first obtained consent to conduct the study. Once the project was approved, the university professor with whom I worked to construct the sample referred me to students that would serve as participants for the study. Three classes were sampled. The total participants in the academic population were 33, comprising Interview participants were selected using a Convenience Sample of individuals willing to participate.