Trajetórias e perspectivas da formação de educadores (Portuguese Edition)

Looking at scientific publications. Education as Change , 22 1. Curriculum and practices 10 years after the implementation of the Bologna process at Portuguese universities].

Revista Teias Brazil , 19 , https: Revista Intersaberes , 28 , European Journal of Engineering Education , 42 2 , Roteiro BR , 42 3 , O trabalho colaborativo entre os professores no quotidiano escolar [The collaborative work between teachers and teachers in their school routine: Oportunidades y problemas desde la perspectiva de estudantes [ICT and initial teacher training: O eLearning em estabelecimentos prisionais: A curriculum contextualization experience of promoting school success].

Revista e-Curriculum Brazil , 14 4 , Educar em Revista BR , 57 , LUMEN , 24 22 , Educar em Revista BR , The guidelines in Portugal and England. European Journal of Curriculum Studies , 2 1 , An analysis of the international agenda and its influence on portuguese policies]. Argumentative skills in higher education: Assessment of and for learning in higher education: From the traditional summative assessment to the more emancipatory formative and educative assessment. Acta Scientiarum Education BR , 36 1 , O que dizem professores da Universidade do Porto.

External school evaluation in Portugal: A glance at the impacts on curricular and pedagogical practices. European Journal of Curriculum Studies , 1 1 , An analysis focused on the practice of the profession. Between the declared speeches and its concretion. Quality of blended learning within the scope of the Bologna process.

Um ciclo vicioso de 'testinite'. Putting knowledge in context: Curriculum contextualization in History classes. Preliminary results of one going research project [special issue]. European Studies in Education Management. Curricular studies and their relation with the political agenda for education. A place for arguing in engineering education: Re interpretations by teachers of the national geography curriculum for primary education in Portugal. Que possibilidades e que constrangimentos. Leite, Carlinda, Lima L. Ser professor nos dias de hoje Leite, Carlinda, Rodrigues L.

De um projecto nacional a um projecto local: Projecto educativo de escola, projecto curricular de escola, projecto curricular de turma: O que os distingue. Policies, perspectives and practices ISBN Sentidos da pedagogia no ensino superior. Para uma escola curricularmente inteligente. Projectos curriculares de escola e de turma: Conceber, gerir e avaliar.

Ebooks Best Sellers Trajetórias E Perspectivas Da Formação De Educadores Portuguese Edition Pdf

Universidad de Murcia, Servicio de Publicaciones. In Domingos Fernandes Ed. Realidades e perspetivas Vol I, pp. Trends that shape curriculum studies. Policies, perspectives and practices pp. Origem, fundamentos e percursos. In Marielda Pryjma Ed. Salvador da Bahia BR: Ensinar e aprender com tecnologias digitais no ensino superior. Rio de Janeiro BR: Multiculturalismo nas reformas no Brasil e em Portugal.

Alguns pontos para debate. In Carlinda Leite Ed. O recurso ao b-learning no Ensino Superior: In Blanca Arciga Zavala Ed. Leite, Carlinda, Lima, L. New ways of pedagogical work using b-learning in higher education. International Association of Technology, Education and Development.

Labs on the web: In Maria Isabel da Cunha Ed. In Rosa Bizarro Ed. Entre velhos desafios e novos compromissos: In Aida Silva et al. In Carlinda Leite Org. Prison education in Portugal: It is difficult to get data for the number of Portuguese speakers in Equatorial Guinea, and the last census dates from However, the reality is more complex, and the underlying reasons are economical. The main and large-scale studies on African varieties of Portuguese date from the s, with P. Following them, linguists have investigated different aspects of the African varieties of Portuguese, the varieties of Mozambique and Angola being the ones that were more frequently and deeply studied.

In Mozambique, linguists have investigated language contact cf. Dias ; Chimbutane , , , , ; Menezes ; P. Firmino , , , , and various linguistic features cf. Linguists interested in the Portuguese of Angola investigated its linguistic features cf. Rodrigues , and the general linguistic situation in Angola cf. Barros ; Inverno ; Cacumba Studies of Kabuverdianu are far more numerous than the ones on Cape Verdean Portuguese; studies of the latter focus on the contact with Kabuverdianu cf. Duarte ; Lima ; Cardoso a, b , teaching in school settings cf.

Since then, very few studies have been done on Santomean Portuguese. Linguists have taken interest in the urban variety of Santomean Portuguese e. Sociolinguistic and linguistic anthropological works are also rare. Note that most work on Santomean Portuguese is related to morphosyntactic and syntactic features, the work on phonetics and phonology also being scarce. Forro was then the most important language on the islands, with a greater number of speakers, due to the privileged social status of the freedman community, and it constituted the target language of the most recent slaves.

He highlighted the fact that the Portuguese-based creoles had been neglected by linguists, although they were of special interest for being the first to emerge. In spite of this observation, it took almost a century for other linguists to investigate the creoles of the Gulf of Guinea. A few linguists also investigated the historical formation of the Gulf of Guinea creoles Ferraz ; Schang ; Hagemeijer ; Bandeira , suggesting that they were descendants of a common language. Studies on Angolar were published regarding the origin of the language and its speakers Almeida ; Seibert , , the delineation of the Angolares as an ethnic group Areosa Feio , and analyses of its linguistic features Ferraz ; Maurer , ; Lorenzino , ; Hagemeijer b.

In the coming section, I review some of the work written on Santomean Portuguese by highlighting the linguistic features that distinguish this variety from European Portuguese. According to Afonso , most of the children who start school use a variety of Portuguese that differs from the one used in textbooks.

Escovei os dentes e comi rancho 3 Forro: This section provides information about nominal and verbal agreement, ditransitive verbs, preposition stranding 60 Rancho is a Santomean dish made with rice and beans, and sometimes smoked fish. Figueiredo , , examined the noun phrase of the variety of Santomean Portuguese spoken by the inhabitants of Almoxarife a few kilometers south of the capital. He draws attention to the similarities between the Portuguese acquired by Portuguese-based creole speakers i. Santomean and Brazilian Portuguese tend to pattern similarly, and differently from European Portuguese, which exhibits less variation.

For verbal agreement, lower level of education, inanimate referent, and post-verbal position of the subject are the factors that disfavor agreement. Following are examples of the absence of nominal and verbal agreement 4, 6 in Santomean Portuguese: First, she analyses the ditransitive verbs for which she argues in favor of a linguistic change. Santomean Portuguese appears to be closer to Brazilian Portuguese than to European Portuguese; in those varieties, there exists an interrogative strategy in which the wh-words and the complementizer co-occur. This strategy is also frequent in Brazilian Portuguese.

As in other varieties of Portuguese, only three non-stressed syllables are permitted word-finally, [i, u, a] e. Results from his variationist study show that years of schooling and age are significant social factors; the younger and the more educated the speaker is, the lower is the rate of monophthongization. Lopes ; Amaral ; Simioni Two commun ways to deal with coda consonants are by inserting an epenthetic vowel e.

This section presents a review of the literature on those two topics. The symbols used to represent r-sounds using the International Phonetic Alphabet IPA are presented in the following table: Ladefoged and Maddieson also consider that it is impossible to find a description that would unify rhotics by means of phonetically based features either articulatory or acoustic.

In sum, there is no natural articulatory or acoustic class that is easy to define; nor is there a set of sounds however constituted that can be said to be exclusively rhotic. Taps and flaps can also be variants of stops, laterals, or nasals. A fricative may be the phonetic realization of a phonological rhotic but may also be, of course, a fricative. And a sound that is rhotic in one language may be non-rhotic in another. This suggests that rhoticity should be defined by the phonology of each language Rennicke That being said, rhotics still tend to behave in similar ways phonologically.

My position in this dissertation is that rhotics constitute a distinct class in phonology. Among the frequent arguments in favor of phonological class status for r-sounds are the following: But as Lindau S27 wrote, while this F3 indicator might be accurate for American English, it is not for all rhotics in all languages. Labov demonstrated that this chaos should rather be seen as an ongoing language change, stratified according to social class in the speech community. The two rhotics in contrast are positionally constrained, and the contrast is only phonemic intervocalically.

Historically, this contrast in Portuguese was opposing an apical trill [r] and a tap [ ]. This will be discussed in more depth in this section. Rhotics are probably the sound that underwent the greatest number of changes in Portuguese in the last century Veloso From a historical point of view, three main sound changes affected the rhotics system in Portuguese over the past few centuries.

The first sound change was the introduction of the uvular trill [ ] in the subclass of strong-R replacing the alveolar trill.

In the seventeenth century, a uvular -r started to spread over Europe as a prestigious pronunciation. The uvular -r probably emerged in Lisbon speech in the nineteenth century, and from there spread to the rest of Portugal. Viana , , one of the most important Portuguese phoneticians, wrote about the uvular fricative being a new rhotic in European Portuguese.

This sound was gradually replacing the original trill: We find uvular trills in individuals, even among those who pronounce simple r as a lingual. Generally, the French and Germans, those who do not have a guttural pronounciation, tend to gutturalize the lingual r, which has never happened among the Portuguese, Spanish, and Italians.

The origin of the uvular trill is unclear, but Barbosa , as explained by Veloso In a few decades, the uvular trill became the standard trill in European Portuguese. According to Teyssier , this uvular trill is today in variation with the velar fricative [x] and the alveolar trill [r]. The second sound change is a change of manner of articulation: Barbosa is probably the first author to have noted the emergence of a fricative in place of a trill, by referring to Viana I have seldom seen this particularity in the pronounciation of other Portuguese individuals.

Today, the uvular fricative is the most frequently used strong-R in European Portuguese. The third change involves the diversification of possible rhotic sounds in coda position, including the introduction of a retroflex approximant also called the English r. This r-sound was first mentioned by Amaral , 68 My translation of: This was later contradicted, as Tupi-Guarani languages only have alveolar rhotics Noll According to Veloso , the retroflex approximant is slowing emerging in European Portuguese also.

The following table adapted from Veloso There are two environments where strong-R is required: Weak-r is required when the rhotic is the second element in an onset consonant cluster. In coda position, rhotics are realized as either strong-R or weak-r, depending on various social factors. Intervocalically, similar to other Iberian Romance languages, European and Brazilian Portuguese have a phonemic contrast of rhotics; the choice of the r-sound will depend on the word.

I divide the rhotics in four main categories: Taps and deleted-r are weak-r, while trills and fricatives are strong-R. Many linguists use the two terms interchangeably. However, Ladefoged and Maddieson Both types are usually coronal. Thus flaps are most typically made by retracting the tongue tip behind the alveolar ridge and moving it forward so that it strikes the ridge in passing. Taps are most typically made by a direct movement of the tongue tip to a contact location in the dental or alveolar region.

I will refer to this sound as a tap, as single-contact rhotics in Portuguese and Spanish are usually described as taps, and not flaps Rennicke In a spectrogram, one light vertical bar appears, which represents the constriction of the tongue tip against the alveolar ridge being released, as seen in Figure Trills can be alveolar tongue tip vibrates against the alveolar ridge or uvular uvula vibrates against the tongue dorsum. For a trill to occur, an adequate airflow must run through in an adequately restricted aperture. Failure to adequately produce a trill will lead to a rhotic fricative or approximant.

Here is the definition of a trill, as described by Ladefoged and Maddieson The primary characteristic of a trill is that it is the vibration of one speech organ against another, driven by the aerodynamic conditions. One of the soft moveable parts of the vocal tract is placed close enough to another surface, so that when a current of air of the right strength passes through the aperture created by this configuration, a repeating pattern of closing and opening of the flow channel occurs. In a spectrogram, trills appear as a succession of light vertical bars, alternating with darker vertical bars.

The first ones correspond to closure phases, and the second ones, to open phases. Although they may appear as a succession of taps, as well as taps may be seen as short trills in the spectrogram, the configuration needed to produce the two sounds are different. In a tap, the tongue body moves by doing a single flick gesture; in a trill, the tongue body remains firm and unaltered and the vibration is driven aerodynamically.

Fricatives are produced with turbulent airflow passing through a stricture in the vocal tract, the exact place of the stricture depending of 70 Note that alveolar trills in word-initial position as in Figure are rare in Brazilian Portuguese; Trennephol da Costa and Cotovizc discuss in their paper the persistence of this rhotic in a specific region of Brazil.

Compared to approximants, the constriction in the vocal tract to produce a fricative is narrower and slightly further forward Rennicke Hall agree with him. However, Wiese argues that this position is problematic as some languages have fricatives that function as rhotics. Brazilian Portuguese is one of those languages, in which a strong-R can be realized as a voiced or voiceless velar, uvular, and glottal fricative Rennicke In a spectrogram, fricatives appear as random energy distributed over a wide range of frequencies. For example, the consonant in coda position can be re-syllabified when followed by a vowel e.

The presence or absence of coda rhotics as well as variation in pronunciation are among the most salient features to evaluate the geographical origin and socioeconomic status of the speaker in Brazilian Portuguese e. This category would have included sounds such as [w] or [l] instead of a rhotic. These variants are rare in my data, and they do not represent a significant proportion of tokens in any of the four rhotic categories presented above.

Speech can be perfectly understandable at the word and utterance level, but on closer inspection it can contain segments that are not expected as variants of a phonological category. The next section will focus on rhotics in Santomean Portuguese, although the literature regarding them is scarce. As highlighted by the Mozambican writer Mia Couto in an interview, the Portuguese-speaking African countries are playing an important role in the diversification of Portuguese, a process that was first led by Brazilians: Some Santomeans pronounce a strong-R in positions where a weak-r would usually be used in European and Brazilian Portuguese.

This feature has not yet been deeply investigated by linguists, so we have little information about it. Quite interestingly, some varieties of Portuguese show opposite tendencies, towards a fortition of flaps, which become uvular trills. In the segmental positions where in other varieties a flap is expected, speakers articulate an uvular [ ] examples: The author noted the non-standard use of the uvular fricatives in Santomean Portuguese; however, this is an overstatement, as taps which he calls flaps do exist in Santomean Portuguese.

I believe that it is a feature that is worth investigation as it differs from patterns that we take for granted in other varieties of Portuguese. Here are two examples At the time that Ferraz This flap, developing as a modern influence of bilingualism, has not become generalized in the wider speech community. A trill is sometimes also heard, but is extremely rare. This section has explored the body of research on rhotics in the languages of the world, in Portuguese, in Santomean Portuguese, and in Forro.

The next section will review a small part of the body of literature on pronoun subject expression. Languages that do not require the presence of an overt subject personal pronouns henceforth SPP are called Null Subject Languages henceforth NSL , or pro-drop languages, and the ones that ordinarily require the presence of an overt SPP are called non-Null Subject Languages henceforth non-NSL , or non-pro-drop languages. Those languages allow null subjects under more restricted conditions than full-fledged NSL cf.

The following examples from Italian Sheehan Linguists have investigated the variable use of SPE for almost four decades now. In sociolinguistics, there is a rich body of research on SPE, and I cannot do justice here to the vast literature on the topic. Variation in SPE is of interest to sociolinguists because the speaker has the option of expressing the SPP or omitting it. How does a speaker make a choice between those two options? The main objective of most sociolinguistic research on SPE has been to ascertain the linguistic, stylistic, and social factors that determine, or at least that influence, the expression or omission of the SPP.

All sociolinguistic research has found correlations between those factors and the SPE. Even so, this syntactic variable remains highly debated among scholars who work on the topic. First, scholars have investigated whether SPE is socially stratified. The social variables that are the most often included and discussed in these studies are gender, education, age, and language contact Otheguy et al. However, for the Mainlanders,79 this change in SPE could also be related to contact with Spanish from the Caribbean which are varieties of Spanish with a higher frequency of overt pronouns.

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There are therefore at least those two hypotheses i. Second, several linguistic factors related to verbs and subjects have also shown to affect SPE. The position of the SPP in relation to the verb i. Coreferentiality in subjects also switch in reference has been 79 Otheguy and Zentella divided their participants into two main groups regarding their SPE: The average overt pronoun rate of the Mainlanders is lower than the one of the Caribbeans.

Another factor that was examined is the presence or absence of inflectional morphology in the verb cf. Poplack ; Hochberg ; Ranson ; Cameron , , The idea is that an overt SPP is not necessary when a verb has inflectional endings that mark the person. However, researchers have not yet found evidence to support this hypothesis. This suggests that verbs vary idiosyncratically, and that semantics has little to do with the variable use of SPE. Finally, specificity of subject referent i.

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This has led researchers to elaborate on specificity. Fourth, discourse pragmatic constraints also affect SPE. The hypothesis is that more frequently used verbs will have distinctive mental representations, which can impact SPE. Results from both studies highlight that high frequency does not have a direct significant impact on SPE, but rather that it interacts with all other constraints affecting the use of SPP.

Based on Holmberg , here are some characteristics of consistent and partial NSL, which will be supported by examples from Portuguese. First, as Holmberg Apart from the creolists Chaudenson, Mufwene, and DeGraff, most creolists reject this idea. The SPP is overt, even if the subject is the same as in the beginning of the sentence.

In a NSL, the pronoun would still be null, assuming no contrast or topic shift: For instance, for the sentence in 40 , you could have the following: Also, Brazilian Portuguese uses very few reflexives at all, so sentences such as the example above 41 could simply be a reflexive loss rather than a null subject. So this example from Holmberg is somewhat contentious, but it is often given when discussing the partial NSL concept.

Null definite pronouns only if locally c-commanded by an antecedent; Null indefinite subject pronoun. The following illustrates this change: However, this is a functional explanation of the change in Brazilian Portuguese. An alternative theory is that reduced verbal inflection and higher rates of SPE are both consequences of slavery in Brazil, and massive L2 acquisition of some perhaps creolized 85 Making generalizations about Brazilian Portuguese is challenging, as many different dialects of the variety exist.

A semi-acquired L2 version of Portuguese as well as a creole would probably lack verbal inflection and require overt SPP. In this view, contemporary Popular Brazilian Portuguese is a partially decreolized descendant of that earlier L2 version of the language cf. Guy ; Lucchesi et al. Note that other studies on the syntax of subject licensing in Brazilian Portuguese agree with Duarte regarding the semantic and syntactic distinction of null subjects in this language Kato ; Ferreira ; Rodrigues , ; Holmberg ; Sheehan , which set it apart from European Portuguese and other NSL. Barbosa, Duarte and Kato have compared the distribution of overt and null subjects in those two varieties of Portuguese.

In Table are the results of their study, which was based on a written corpus: Those numbers vary depending on the person; in Figure , we see that in Brazilian Portuguese overt subjects occur with the greatest frequency with second person while in European Portuguese they do so with first person. The following table shows their results regarding SPE: Oliveira and Ferreira dos Santos also highlight that the numbers of overt pronouns in the first persons are higher than the other persons: Those results are very similar to the ones found by Duarte for Brazilian Portuguese.

However, these is an important difference between these two works on Angolan Portuguese which cannot be explained based on the information about methodology given in the two papers. The author investigated SPE in the written Portuguese of forty-five 5th grade students in a suburban region of Maputo. They are all bilingual, speakers of Changane and Portuguese, and most of them learned Portuguese as an L2 at school. Her results show that Interestingly, Dias noted that the first 89 My translation of: She also writes that null SPP use correlates with more verbal agreement.

In Table are results that compare numbers for the four varieties of Portuguese discussed in this section. However, remember that the first three varieties are in their spoken form, and the last one, in written form: However, it is possible to see in the literature on Santomean Portuguese that SPPs can be expressed 43 or not More comparable studies on the topic are necessary.

Depois cheguei a um momento que eu vi que era vazio Eng: It showed how certain lexical, morphosyntactic, syntactic, and phonetic features are used distinctively in Santomean Portuguese compared to other varieties of Portuguese. In order to situate this dissertation within a broader linguistic and sociolinguistic framework, this chapter explored the body of research on rhotics and SPE in different varieties of Portuguese, and briefly in Forro. The overall objective of this chapter was to contextualize this variationist study on Santomean Portuguese within a broader linguistic and sociolinguistic framework, and to discuss the information and knowledge necessary to the understanding of the results and analyses that will be presented in the following chapters.

The next chapter will now present the methodology used in this dissertation. Labov from 48 adults and eight teenagers, of which half are women and half are men. I also relied on participant observation and unrecorded naturalistic data from everyday interactions with Santomeans, and between Santomeans.

In this chapter, I aim to discuss and share the details of my fieldwork methodology, but also discuss my personal experience as a fieldworker, and as a white fieldworker in an African country, and the challenges that arose. I combined ethnography as mainly used in anthropology and linguistic anthropology with methods used in sociolinguistics to address linguistic and social questions.

This focus on real-life language data joined to the ethnographic approach led to a greater understanding of the intersection of linguistic variation and social meaning Eckert From the late s onwards, sociolinguists started to conceptualize language as a way through which social differentiation ethnicity, class, gender, etc. Bucholtz ; Eckert ; Mendoza-Denton Following this trend, the methodology I choose for this study includes ethnographic methods in order to study locally embedded language use and the role of language use in the construction of social identity.

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I am aware of the fact that how researchers represent the people and realities they study has consequences, as how people are represented affects or informs how they are treated S. Representations, the consequences of those representations, and the implications of our messages as researchers matter Madison How can this work make a contribution to greater justice, equity, and freedom for Santomeans? Positionality is important when conducting research; researchers must take account of their own position in relation to their research participants and research setting in terms of race, gender, education, class, language, and culture, among other factors England ; Rose ; Merriam et al.

This allows for a better understanding of the dynamics between researcher and participants. I am a white and consequently, rich Westerner investigating the black too often represented as poor African. How can I objectively describe, analyse and make public a situation that I enter with a personal background that is substantially different? When we turn back, we are accountable for our own research 96 I am from Quebec, Canada, and I am a native speaker of French.

I am fluent in English and Portuguese, but they are second languages. I aim to keep in mind throughout the writing of this dissertation that how we represent the linguistic features and practices we study reveals what we think of them.

What we think of them becomes what we think of the speakers who use them. And what we think of the speakers later becomes how we treat them. I entered the community through several different avenues, which included using personal contacts to meet other community members, and participating in local activities. The first method involved utilizing a set of available contacts in the community to build up a network of participants for the study.

The second method, participating in local activities, allowed me to access speakers from different social classes. Among those local activities were the celebrations for the fortieth anniversary of the independence of the country, participation in the making of a film, visits to different plantations and towns, book launches, music sessions at the CACAU Arts Center, and various festivals, celebrations and parties held in the city. Through these methods, and during my first three month stay, I met many Santomeans and conducted 26 interviews discussing everyday life, Santomean culture, and the use of the languages, among other topics.

First, Santomeans are available and generous, so for most people, it was a pleasure to converse with me and help me out with my research. So they felt valued and were glad to help. I noticed that they felt more comfortable in their home or in a public space they know well, so I would always try to meet with them at a place of their choice. Doing the interview in their home would usually mean spending time with the whole family, playing with the children and all the neighbors that my presence would attract , eating a large often too large!

I genuinely enjoy doing interviews and getting to know people, I feel at ease discussing various topics, and I think that the people I interviewed could feel it. Some of them opened up a lot, sharing their difficult past, their struggles, and their fears, but also their pride, their hopes, and their everyday life stories. People with a lower socioeconomic status were easier to find and interview; they seemed more flexible as to when they do things, they had never done interviews before and were curious about it, and in some cases, they did not show as much insecurity about their knowledge and speech as people with a somewhat higher socioeconomic status.

The latter, on the other hand, were a bit more difficult to convince. Finding people with a higher socioeconomic status and older people were part of my challenges. The solution I found was to ask friends to find those people for me. It worked out, but even so, I did fewer interviews with elders. I am sociable, but a bit of an introvert. This fieldwork required me to go out more, to introduce myself to groups of people, to feel comfortable leading discussions, to discuss topics with people from different social classes, with people that I would usually not necessarily meet in my everyday life outside this island.

I also constantly had to ask for help; as a young independent woman who can do everything by herself or at least, that is what I want to believe! But I adapted to the situations and accepted that I needed help for almost everything: I am not sure I did. Many people thought I was Brazilian because of the variety of Portuguese I speak, but also because I was living with Brazilians.

That being said, I think the primary fieldwork was useful in giving me access to relevant qualitative information about the use of languages and the 97 It is difficult to evaluate to what extent my outsider status and privilege impact my results. I know that many Santomeans, when being with other Santomeans, speak at a faster rate, and use lexical items that are typical of vernacular Santomean Portuguese. But after fourtheen months of observation, I came to believe that Santomeans do not change their pronounciation of rhotics in my presence, and especially not their use of null and overt SPP, given that is has such a low level of conscious awareness.

It also highlighted the main linguistic feature that I think distinguishes Santomean Portuguese from other varieties of Portuguese. However, I quickly changed my mind once there and decided not to do so. It was important for me to try to have an equal-to-equal relationship with Santomeans, and not volunteering was one way of avoiding unequal relations of power with possible informants. To the 26 interviews I did the first time with Santomeans, I added 92 interviews for a total of interviews.

Consequently, I included eight teenagers from twelve to eighteen years old in my subject pool. From January to June , I was again living in the capital, and was spending as much time as possible with Santomeans, participating in all activities I could, and often out for walks in town. By this time, however, I had accepted that being a regular fixture was an impossible goal to reach. I enjoyed traveling in the country crossing the island, from the capital to the southern tip, takes about an hour and 45 minutes by car , and conducted interviews on the opposite side of the island, in Ribeira Peixe and Malanza, where many Angolares and Tongas live.

Instead of living in the capital, I decided to live the plantation experience, about a one hour car ride or two hours in iace, a van in which Santomeans can fit numerous people and goods from the capital.

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I was living near Ribeira Peixe, surrounded by palm tree plantations. I had running water, electricity, and the Internet I needed to work on this dissertation! But there were no restaurants, no markets, no services around me. I then spent less time with Santomeans, as I was coding my data and writing my first chapters. It is not that obvious in the capital, but as soon as we go away from the center, children start begging for candies. They repeat what their older siblings and friends say, and they learn that when you see a white person, you ask for candies.

It is from here that I write this dissertation. A white woman working through her privilege and the inequalities of race, class and gender in the world that I live and work in. I grew up in a small village, being taught that, no matter the skin color, we are all equals. In primary school, although there was not even one non-white in our classes, awareness of racism was raised.

Although Canada is seen as a proudly inclusive and tolerant society, it has a serious and too often forgotten race problem too: Racism against the Aboriginal groups has existed since colonial times, it is still present today, it is expressed in different ways e. The paternalistic federal policies perpetuate and deepen discrimination against Aboriginals, and it keeps them apart from non-Aboriginals. As I experienced it as a child, this division between White and Natives was normal; this is how things were.

When I started to live abroad, I experienced race differently. These race experiences are intertwined with the fact that I am a woman. During the year that I lived in El Salvador when I was 23 years old , I was constantly threatened, especially by women who were jealous of me. This jealousy was in part created by their husbands who would threaten to leave the house and go live abroad with la blanquita. It got to a point where someone called my host family to tell them they would kill me if they saw me again.

Then a few years later, in Brazil, I learned how society could be stratified based on skin color. And these colors all have a different meaning on the social scale. Now, on top of that, I was seeing different shampoo based on skin color and logically, type of hair. My question made my friend cry, he was really angry at me, and did not want to discuss the matter. I went back home and told my white Brazilian roommate what had just happened. She told me about this shampoo being a symbol of black Brazilians being part of the consuming society, of having products made for themselves, of acknowledging their differences.

What made my friend cry is not the shampoo, but the story of black Brazilians fighting for equality. We were far from my primary school teachings. I was verbally mistreated because of my whiteness. Strangely, this happened more frequently when I was riding my bike.

These disturbing events did not happen very often, but often enough for me to question myself and feel angry about race inequalities. There is no escape from this, and I was constantly reminded that I am an outsider. I have many years of experience abroad that helped me deal with the attention I would get from Santomeans.

But even so, there were many days and situations where I wanted to melt away into the masses. These privileges might have blinded me in the beginning of my fieldwork, as it took me a while to see racism. Children reacted differently to me; many played with my hair and braided it, others cried because they were scared of me. For example, when I visited Angelina, her daughter was looking at me, crying. She laughed and said Ela tem medo de pessoas de cor!

As ethnographer, one wants to melt away into the masses, or at least, to avoid being an outsider. That did not work out. When I realized how white I was, I started to have doubts about my fieldwork: How will I ever have access to naturalistic speech if I am an outsider? I started the recording, she was shy and uncomfortable with me, laughing most of the time. After a few minutes, she told me it was her first time interacting with a white person.

I could tell that it was something special for her, something to feel proud of. But I did not keep this interview, her speech was too far from being naturalistic speech. Fortunately, these kinds of encounters did not happen too often. But note that these are axioms, not anything proven, and that even if the vernacular is to be desired for analysis because of its greater systematicity, that does not mean that speech that is not maximally vernacular is devoid of systematicity.

Singler questions and discusses the status and significance of the vernacular. However, discussing the white and black distinction was challenging; because I am white, my informants probably did not feel comfortable to discuss the stereotypes associated with whites, or to repeat what people say.

But I also ask myself: Was I really open and comfortable to discussing the black and white distinction with them? For them to open up to me, I tried to eliminate all possible barriers between us, I tried to be one of them although I knew this was impossible , so I might have unconsciously avoided highlighting the skin color difference between my interviewees and myself, conscious of the historical background of this distinction. A lot of the information I got regarding whiteness comes from informal racializing and ethnicizing discourses.

In fact, discourses that do not focus on race or ethnicity are also important to the production and reproduction of racial and ethnicity marking. I will come back to the discussion on ethnicity and stratification in Chapter 5. They consider the social and institutional contexts in which they.

Teachers act based on structural knowledge from different sources and contexts. The analysis of verbal interaction in the classroom. Processos de trabalho na escola: CRE Mario Covas, entrevista concedida por e-mail em. Paradigms for research on teacher affectiveness. O projeto educacional moderno: