Sexonomics

But, being a good sport, I sucked it up and put up a profile. I was matched with 9 of the 10 within minutes, which I found disturbing. I unmatched him post haste. And then came Sean the following morning…. Sean was funny without being cheesy, smart without being arrogant and seemed to grasp my penchant for sarcasm from the get go. Not to say that he didn't push the boundaries of innuendo, but it was never vulgar, so I took the bait.

He asked to meet that afternoon for iced tea his with lemon, and mine without and the banter continued seamlessly without the typical awkward silences. But instead of feigning insult, I found myself walking with him. Once in his room, he changed while I politely turned around , and it's then I knew I was in trouble. The make out session that ensued was…memorable.

Who's Counting: Sexonomics -- Prostitutes' Incomes

I began to wonder if I was losing my grip on reality, considering I had somehow ended up in a hotel room and making out with someone I'd known for 2. He then picked me up, threw me on the bed and proceeded to give me a glimpse of heaven. After I came to my senses temporarily anyways , I put my feet back on the floor, smoothed my dress and announced he was the devil. Alas, clothes stayed on, he was a gentleman, and off to sushi we went.

I've read ginger and sushi are aphrodisiacs, so I'm blaming the subsequent events on the fact that I clearly overindulged. And considering I was stone cold sober, I'm left grasping at straws. We walked yet again back to his hotel room, under the guise of watching the MLB playoff game. Whereas outright price setting over the breadth of an entire economy has had such a clearly disastrous record for so long that virtually every nation in the world had abandoned it by the end of the twentieth century, price controls by governments have been allowed to continue unabated—and even to multiply, often by stealth, usually to favor politically powerful constituencies.

While typical examples include minimum wage laws, where price floors on labor are set by law to satisfy labor unions, or rent control laws, where price ceilings on rent are set by law to satisfy tenant associations, other typical but far less advertised cases include a large and growing array of anti-male or pro-female laws, all of which effectively set price floors on legal sex for male consumers in order to satisfy feminist groups.

These latter, less advertised cases are the ones on which we will focus generally as we move forward. However, before we get there we need to define our terms explicitly, as we paint the larger economic framework within which sexonomics increasingly is being delimited by laws that create new incentives and constraints for both producers and consumers of sex. Much of this painting of the larger economic framework involves dispelling commonly held misconceptions about economics. Minimum wage laws, for instance, are often assumed to be in the interest of low-wage workers, when in fact they are the direct opposite.

Minimum wage laws, on the contrary, are passed at the behest of labor unions, who seek to erect barriers to entry to non-unionized workers by pricing them out of the market. Thus unionized workers who are on the inside looking out gain a large competitive advantage over those who are on the outside looking in. Unionized workers typically are more experienced, more productive and more likely to be worth a high salary than the people whom they seek to keep out of the labor market with such laws. Whatever others may say on this topic, we sexonomists need to keep in mind that the minimum wage is always zero.

As has been amply documented, rent-control laws in fact have the opposite effect, benefiting existing tenants who are literally on the inside looking out, at the expense of prospective tenants who are literally on the outside looking in; therefore, as we would expect, rent control is sought by the former and not by the latter. As a matter of empirical evidence, cities across the United States and across the world where rent control laws were instituted have experienced paradoxically far higher average rents than cities where no such laws exist.

Thus New York and San Francisco, two cities with longstanding draconian rent-control laws, have long had the highest average rents among major U. How could average rents be higher when rents are set lower by law?

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Rent control laws typically have an escape clause for luxury housing, which is free from price control. Scarce construction resources therefore get diverted to the luxury home market, where free prices offer builders a better return on investment. With growing shortages of rent-controlled apartments, in part because tenants hang on to such apartments longer than they would in a free market, and in part because landlords may allow their buildings to degrade when rents cannot cover the costs of upkeep, leading to those buildings being condemned and boarded up, prospective tenants may have no choice but to opt for luxury housing which they can ill afford.

Nor is any of this surprising. Perhaps the most basic law of economics is that more is demanded at a lower price than at a higher price, while less is supplied at a lower price than at a higher price. In a free market such competing tensions resolve themselves through the self-adjusting mechanism of fluctuating price levels.

However, where prices are kept artificially high, as in the case of the price of labor being kept artificially high by minimum wage laws, the self-correcting price mechanism is prevented from maximizing the economic options of either employers or workers; in short, to offset artificially high prices more labor keeps being supplied than demanded on an ongoing, uncorrected basis, leading to a surplus of labor—unemployment.

In the case of rent controls, to offset artificially low prices more housing keeps being demanded than supplied on an ongoing, uncorrected basis, leading to a shortage of apartments. Sex as a service in legally accepted contexts is being set by government legislation at artificially high—indeed, exorbitant—prices, as we will show in later posts. As a result, once that fact has been understood by sex consumers, a surplus of undemanded sex is a foregone conclusion. There are no known cases in the history of humanity where prices set by government at artificially exorbitant levels have not resulted in surpluses.

The argument that the demand for sex is inelastic will also be debunked with telling statistics in later posts. The central fact here is that sex as a service has been priced at artificially high levels by government, whether that service is rendered through a set of elaborate economic arrangements between two people in traditional guises such as marriage, or as simple workplace coexistence between people who, it could be argued, might have some kind of sexual interest in a coworker requited or unrequited.

That central fact has systematically been obscured and kept secret by government and complicit media outlets, as we will demonstrate in later posts. Until sex-consuming men understand this fact, they will continue to make economically irrational—if not outright suicidal—decisions in their consumption of sex.

Once they do understand it, demand will plummet and a gargantuan surplus is sure to result. History has a tendency to repeat itself, and economic history most of all. To get back to our consequences of price-controlled economic phenomena: Sometimes those alternative markets materialize as markets in different goods or services. If airline travel becomes prohibitively expensive, say, then car, bus or train travel can be adopted as more rational alternatives.

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