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An Irish Travesty

Between and , babies were aborted with club foot and with cleft palate. UK law places no gestational limit on the abortion of unborn children with disabilities allowing abortion for this group right up-to-birth. In England and Wales, in , more than 4, women had had at least four abortions, 1, were on at least their fifth and 33 women had nine or more terminations.

Your organisation says that it works to protect men, women and children wherever justice, freedom, truth and dignity are denied, yet: Legalisation of abortion in England, Wales and Scotland has meant the destruction of over 8 million lives since Yet you do nothing to help protect babies in the womb. Amnesty boasts of receiving the Nobel Peace Prize for its life-saving work, yet i nstead of protecting unborn children, you are campaigning to legalise killing them in Northern Ireland, and removing their constitutional protections in the Irish Republic.

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Would you like to receive email updates about the campaign? Click here to do this now. Share one of the images on the right on Facebook or Twitter with a short message encouraging friends to visit shamnesty. Since Amnesty has launched its campaign to remove the protection of the right to life of the unborn child from the Irish constitution, we have had a number of our supporters and the wider public approach us concerned about this violation of human rights principles.

In response, on the anniversary of the Royal Assent of the Abortion Act on October 27, we have launched the Amnesty Travesty Campaign to highlight the consequences of abortion in the UK, as well as to enable our supporters and the public to petition Amnesty International to speak up for the over 8 million lives lost from abortion in the UK and withdraw its campaign to repeal the Eighth Amendment of the Irish constitution. Amnesty Travesty - Speak up for the 8 million - Amnesty Travesty. Amnesty, who are supposed to defend human rights, are now pushing to bring this to Ireland….

This is clearly no act for Ireland to follow. Women hurt by abortion.

Paisley and McGuinness: the movie. But is it a travesty of the truth?

Live babies left to die following abortions. Helped by George Bernard Shaw, he had intended to use his defence as an opportunity to make a very public declaration of Ireland's cause. His friends, however, did not think he ought to testify at trial at all, and were of the view that he would be unable to stand up to a gruelling cross-examination by the prosecution. Such a cross-examination was also likely to bring squarely into the public domain the personal diaries known as the Black Diaries which had been discovered among his possessions.

An Páirtí Náisiúnta │The National Party - "This Is Our Homeland"

If, however, he went along with Sullivan's more technical argument, he would not have to testify under oath at all. Sullivan did not, realistically, expect that his defence would actually succeed. It was a highly academic argument and there were legal precedents against it. Casement's best hope, in the view of many, would be a conviction followed by a reprieve.

His motion to quash the indictment was, predictably, refused. He had staked everything on this line of defence, and could not now change course and call witnesses.

www.newyorkethnicfood.com | Form and Entries for Horse Travesty of Law (IRE)

Casement was allowed to make a brief unsworn statement, then both sides addressed the jury in turn. In his speech, Sullivan began to shift his defence towards that which had been suggested by Casement and Shaw, drawing parallels between the actions of Casement and those of the Ulster Volunteers.

However, he was rebuked by the bench and could not continue with this line of argument. Chief Justice Reading charged the jury before they retired, and in less than an hour they returned with the unsurprising verdict of 'Guilty'. Having been convicted, Casement could then make a speech from the dock.

This was his opportunity to explain and justify the Rising, and he read out an eloquent speech, contextualising the events of the previous three years. When he concluded, the judges donned the traditional black caps and passed the sentence of death. The five senior judges heard more than a day's worth of argument from Sullivan, but it was not considered necessary for the Attorney General to address the court at all. The judges rejected the appeal.


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Leave to appeal to the House of Lords was refused, because the Attorney General would not certify that the case concerned a point of law of exceptional public importance. Even at this late stage in proceedings, Casement and his supporters still had hope: Usually, the more influential individuals and groups that supported a petition for clemency, the more likely it was to be granted. Many others refused, however, either because of their abhorrence at Casement's betrayal, or because of the rumours of his homosexuality.

These were fuelled by the circulation of parts of the Black Diaries. Ernley Blackwell, the Home Office's legal advisor, was largely responsible for the leak, and also prepared a memorandum for the Cabinet referring to the diaries and emphasising that Casement's sentence should be carried out.

The stigma of homosexuality had a devastating effect on public support for Casement. No reprieve was granted, and Casement was hanged on August 3. Was the Casement trial a travesty of justice?

Was Roger Casement's trial a legal travesty?

There was a certain inevitability about the verdict. It was extremely unlikely that any English jury would have failed to find him guilty. In fact, during his speech from the dock, Casement lamented the fact that he had not been tried before an Irish jury: I have a right, an indefeasible right Casement would have had a very strong chance of acquittal by an Irish jury; however, had he been tried in Ireland it is unlikely that the authorities would have been prepared to risk this.

He would either have been court-martialled like the other rebels, or tried in a juryless civil court following the suspension of jury trials during Easter week. One striking omission from the trial was any mention of Casement's real reason for landing in Ireland. The prosecution sidestepped this issue because it would have weakened or at least complicated their case; Casement avoided mentioning it because he did not wish to appear disloyal to the rebels, especially in the aftermath of the executions. In any event, it probably would not have helped his defence, because his treasonable acts were said to have been committed while he was in Germany.

There were other dubious aspects to the trial, such as Smith's oblique references to 'a diary' before the jury, and Casement's unhappiness with Sullivan's defence. Although there were certainly defects in Casement's trial, the fact that he received a full jury trial at least afforded him the opportunity to make his speech from the dock; something denied to those who were summarily convicted in the immediate aftermath of the Rising.

John Dorney The Easter Rising, it is often argued, had no democratic mandate. In the burning GPO, Pearse wondered if they had done the right thing after all. Yet the language of Patrick Pearse a century ago must Brendan O'Connor It is fitting, isn't it, that we can't agree what it was about, or what it achieved, or what its legacy is or how best to commemorate it. Was Roger Casement's trial a legal travesty?