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Salle I, 19 h 30 Sur invitation, dans la limite des places disponibles: Salles I et IV Informations et invitations: Salle I, 17 heures Sur invitation: Salle IX, 19 h 30 Sur inscription en ligne: Salle IX, 18 heures Sur inscription par courriel, dans la limite des places disponibles: Salle IV, 17 h30 Sur invitation, dans la limite des places disponibles: Mardi 15 septembre Projection de film et table ronde Culture et patrimoine en danger: Salle I, de 15 heures Sur inscription en ligne: Sur invitation, dans la limite des places disponibles: Salle XI, 18 h 30 Sur invitation, dans la limite des places disponibles: Sur enregistrement en ligne: Salle I, 19 heures Sur inscription, dans la limite des places disponibles: Salle I, 20 heures Sur invitation, dans la limite des places disponibles: Salle XI, 19 heures Sur invitation, dans la limite des places disponibles: Salle IV, 17 h 30 Sur invitation, dans la limite des places disponibles dl.

Salle I, 19 heures Sur inscription en ligne: Vivre et survivre dans la rue. Grandir avec la rue.

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Serie On the same subject. Images du corps dans le monde hindou. Sophie Chevalier and Jean-Marie Privat ed. Economic sociology Ages of life. Les processus de normalisation. Crises et politiques du logement. Christiane Gohier and Michel Fabre ed.

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L'univers social des adolescents. Les politiques de la jeunesse au Royaume-Uni et en France. Medicine and scientific research as well as business and innovation are also a significant part of our shared journey. The story of France and the United States is a story of an endless dialogue made of common dreams, of a common struggle for dignity and progress.

It is the best achievement of our democratic principles and values.

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But we must remember the warning of President Theodore Roosevelt: This is an urgent reminder indeed. Because now, going beyond our bilateral ties, beyond our very special relationship, Europe and the United States must face together the global challenges of this century. And we cannot take for granted our transatlantic history and bonds.

At the core, our Western values themselves are at risk. We have to succeed facing these challenges, and we cannot succeed forgetting our principles and our history.

In fact, the 21st century has brought a series of new threats and new challenges that our ancestors might not ever have imagined. Our strongest beliefs are challenged by the rise of a yet unknown new world order. Our societies are concerned about the future of their children.

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All of us gathered here in this noble Chamber, we - elected officials - all share the responsibility to demonstrate that democracy remains the best answer to the questions and doubts that arise today. Even if the foundations of our progress are disrupted, we must stand firmly and fight to make our principles prevail.

But we bear another responsibility inherited from our collective history. The rule of law, the fundamental values on which we secured peace for 70 years are now questioned by urgent issues that require our joint action. Together with our international allies and partners, we are facing inequalities created by globalization; threats to the planet, our common good; attacks on democracies through the rise of illiberalism; and the destabilization of our international community by new powers and criminal states.

Both in the United States and in Europe we are living in a time of anger and fear, because of these current global threats. But these feelings do not build anything. You can play with fears and anger for a time. But they do not construct anything. Anger only freezes and weakens us. But closing the door to the world will not stop the evolution of the world. It will not douse, but inflame, the fears of our citizens.

We have to keep our eyes wide open to the new risks, right in front of us. I am convinced that if we decide to open our eyes wider, we will be stronger. We will overcome the dangers. We will not let the rampaging work of extreme nationalism shake a world full of hopes for greater prosperity. It is a critical moment.

If we do not act with urgency as a global community, I am convinced that the international institutions, including the United Nations and NATO, will no longer be able to exercise their mandate and stabilizing influence. We would then inevitably and severely undermine the liberal order we built after World War II.

Un désir de littérature coréenne

Other powers, with a stronger strategy and ambition, will then fill the void we would leave empty. Other powers will not hesitate one second to advocate their own model, to shape the 21st century world order. Personally, if you ask me, I do not share the fascination for new strong powers, the abandonment of freedom, and the illusion of nationalism.

Therefore, distinguished members of Congress, let us push them aside, write our own history and birth the future we want. The only option then is to strengthen our cooperation. We can build the 21st century world order, based on a new breed of multilateralism. Based on a more effective, accountable, and results-oriented multilateralism.

The United States invented this multilateralism. You are the one now who has to help to preserve and reinvent it. This strong multilateralism will not outshine our national cultures and national identities. It is exactly the other way around.

Menu "espace utilisateurs"

A strong multilateralism will allow our cultures and identities to be respected, to be protected and to flourish freely together. Because precisely our own culture is based, on both sides of the Atlantic, on this unique taste for freedom, on this unique attachment to liberty and peace.

This strong multilateralism is the unique option compatible with our nations, our cultures, our identities. With the US President, with the support of every members of this joint session, representing the whole American nation, we can actively contribute together to building the 21st-century world order, for our people. The United States and Europe have a historical role in this respect, because it is the only way to defend what we believe in, to promote our universal values, to express strongly that human rights, the rights of minorities and shared liberty are the true answer to the disorders of the world.

I believe that against ignorance, we have education. Against cynicism, trust and good faith. Against disease and epidemics, medicine. Against the threats on the planet, science. I believe in the liberation of the individual, and in the freedom and responsibility of everyone to build their own lives and pursue happiness. I believe in the power of intelligently-regulated market economies. We are experiencing the positive impact of our current economic globalization, with innovation, with job creation.

We see, however, the abuses of globalized capitalism, and digital disruptions, which jeopardize the stability of our economies and democracies. I believe facing these challenges requires the opposite of massive deregulation and extreme nationalism. Commercial war is not the proper answer to these evolutions. We need free and fair trade, for sure. A commercial war opposing allies is not consistent with our mission, with our history, with our current commitments to global security. At the end of the day, it would destroy jobs, increase prices, and the middle class will have to pay for it.