Simbolismo e arte sacra: Il linguaggio segreto dellAntelami (Italian Edition)

Electric Dreams Inside my honest opinion, several principles within this book are repeated across the book. I do not view it as a disadvantage, because repetition is the vital thing to learning. I did think several of the principles explained in the book are typical sense, however i found that could be simple for an individual to react quickly to conflicts. This book has taught me the need for residing in control and exactly how beneficial it really is to be in charge of our behaviors and act in a way of service to others.

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Vjerujem da se barem time mogu u potpunosti uklopiti u okvir ovog projekta pod nazivom: Art History — The Future is Now. I zato ti ispisujem ovu laudu. Nisam predvidio da dotaknem tvoje literarno djelo, tvoje romane i pripovijetke, pisane podjednako na hrvatskom i engleskom, ali ne mogu a da ipak ne spomenem tri fragmenta vezana uz taj segment tvog djelovanja. Summoning up those bygone days, he writes of Goss as a lover of culture and art, of past and present, of human creativity, of beauty and life in general. The whole of the text is conceived as a sentimental rendez-vous, with the youth of both Vladimir Goss and the author, stretching on a full five decades later, to the present day.

When they both took their degrees in , in the following three decades they shared a fairly similar destiny. As we know, Goss went to the United States in , where he had a respectable university career, dealing first of all with medieval art and culture, with the heritage of architecture and urban design, with the pre-Romanesque, Romanesque and Gothic architecture and sculpture, links between East and West in the Middle Ages and so on.

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He published in prestigious specialised and academic journals in Croatia and elsewhere. It was for this reason that the guided tours were so successful and inspiring, for they turned into stimulating discussions about history and culture, politics and social issues, the emigration of Art History — the Future is Now.

Without Goss, without his remarkable general culture, his knowledge, his understanding of historical facts and of art, his eloquence and his impeccable English — this would have been impossible. With a number of such and similar images of their common past, he has endeavoured, as he says, not only to give a reliable testimony to the events that happened in this vast span of five decades, but also to put forward some extremely personal conclusions and judgements.

Mramorna portretna glava Art History — the Future is Now. Sprijeda se na lijevoj strani, od vrata preko brade, do Art History — the Future is Now. Na prijestolju je naslijedio kompromitiranoga Komoda Aurelius Commodus Antoninus Augustus , posljednjega od careva iz dinastije Antonina ubijenog Njega su carem proglasile legije iz zapadnih dijelova Carstva. Tom prigodom nakratko je boravio i u Egiptu, gdje je u Aleksandriji uspio vidjeti balzamirano tijelo Aleksandra Velikog, a posjetio je i piramide, kao i hramove u Tebi. Nedavno je, naime, Zs. Illyrike Ilirski ratovi , 4. The age of the Severans; Fitz After the Marcomanic wars.

Radan, Budapest , Cambi, Antika, Zagreb Acta Archaeologica Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae, vol. XI, Budapest , XIX, Zagreb , Zagreb — Petrinjska ul. Scarre, Cronicle of the Roman emperors, London V — The towns, settlements and topography of the northern Adriatic, eastern Alpine and western Balkan regions, Situla, vol.

No traces of an inventory number were recognized, but its provenance — Sisak — was noted twice. It is not known under what circumstances or when it arrived to the Zagreb Museum. The height of the head is 32,5 cm or 33 cm including the preserved part of the neck, which means it was of slightly larger than life size. Certain characteristic features of physiognomy are preserved, although the right side of the face, forehead and the front part of the vertex were broken off, allowing the suggested attribution of the portrait to the first Severan emperor, Septimius Severus, who has left his imprint from Mesopotamia to Britain, and, in a special way, in Pannonia, including Siscia.

Although he was of North African ancestry, born in the Tripolis metropolis Leptis Magna, his stay in Pannonia was of a special importance for his career. He was a legate Legatus Augusti pro praetore of Upper Pannonia in Carnuntum, the metropolis of Upper Pannonia on the Danubian limes, and following the murder of Pertinax he was proclaimed emperor by the Danubian legions.

He was very popular in the army, and his faithful legions followed him to the final victory in confrontations with other claimants to the throne and in his wars with the Parthian Empire. It seems that he visited Siscia during his return from the second victorious war with the Parthians, while visiting Pannonia with his imperial entourage in This event could not have passed unnoticed. The position of Siscia is unique for a number of reasons.

It was located in the south-western part of the Pannonian plain near the Dalmatian border and it lay on three rivers, two of them, the Sava Savus and Kupa Colapis , being navigable. It was located on the left bank of the Kupa, near its confluence with the Sava, at a location where the Sava changes its course continuing towards the Danube in an eastern direction.

In the vicinity of Siscia, on the opposite, right bank of the Kupa, most probably on the site of Pogorelec, there was a Celtic Iron Age settlement of Segestica, captured and destroyed by Octavianus in 35 BC. Its name thenceforth appears very rarely, while Siscia was becoming an important urban centre of Upper Pannonia as well as an important administrative, industrial, trade, craft, and traffic both riverine and land centre; it also became one Art History — the Future is Now. The town had, it seems, two harbours, and in it were the headquarters of the Pannonian fleet classis Flavia Pannonica , significant for connecting the most important harbours on the Sava, Siscia and Sirmium.

It was also the period of its prodigious development. The town expanded onto the right bank of the Kupa during the period of increased urbanisation which it shared with other Pannonian regions and the Empire in general. Old urban features were being rebuilt, new ones constructed walls, baths, etc. All this was reflected in the development of road network, construction of bridges, etc. Parallel to this construction activity the trade was developing, and the flourishing is recognisable in various crafts, but also in spiritual life and cultural and artistic development in general.

This atmosphere should have yielded monuments erected for Septimius Severus and his family, especially his sons Caracalla and Geta, and his wife Julia Domna. There are some epigraphic testimonies, but hitherto no statues or busts were found, although Septimius Severus, after a certain hiatus, renewed the impetus of imperial propaganda. It should thus be supposed that such monuments were erected in Siscia, either individual or in groups, since the emperor conferred upon Siscia the epithet of a Septimian colony.

I have discussed in passing the fragmented marble portrait from Sisak on two occasions — at conferences in Pula and Udine, while the paper was also published in the proceedings. Notwithstanding the most probably intentional damaging — it could be supposed that the Sisak portrait was intentionally damaged in Early Christian period — it seems that the identification of the portrayal should not be in any doubt. It possesses the most typical physiognomic features characteristic for the iconography of Septimius Severus: However, one should not disregard that the portraits of several emperors of the Antonine dynasty Antoninus Pius, Marcus Aurelius, Commodus, etc.

On the Sisak head, however, the form of oblong, somewhat elongated ascetic face can be discerned. A high forehead is also recognisable, while the hairstyle highlighted locks on both sides of the face suggests the one popular in the Antonine age. A segment of an opened left eye is also preserved, with an emphasized upper eyelid and an eyebrow, as well as a segment of closed mouth with an Art History — the Future is Now. The nose is completely broken off while the moustaches are much worn. Both ears, meticulously fashioned, are preserved. They are both uncovered the curly locks do not cover them ; the hair is carefully combed on the vortex and much worn on the back of the head.

Short wavy locks are arranged in vertical lines on the sides, directed towards the face, approximately on the eye level. The sideburns are wide and in low relief and they adjoin the beard that is cut in low crescent-shaped incisions. The beard is bifurcated near the end by a short parting in the middle. Daltrop has divided the portraits of Septimius into 5 different types, and both previously mentioned types differ from the others primarily in the rendering of the ears. In both types the ears are completely visible and free, while in all other types they are partly or completely covered by hair.

A certain difficulty is presented by the beard type, but this should not affect the determination. Variations are certainly possible, including the combinations of elements that appear on different types. Initial lines, where her name was mentioned, eroded during time. It is clear that the inscription with the statue?

Taking into account several other figural statues from Siscia, in the first place the wellknown female head believed to represent a priestess of Isis lately interpreted as a portrait of an unknown woman created in the Antonine period , which is the earliest and arguably the best portrait to be found in northern Croatia, it should be presumed that the Siscia workshops in the 2nd half of the 2nd c. La chiesa di S. Maria costruita in Baia della Madonna, vicino l abitato tardoantico, nel V secolo, come chiesa con una sola navata, senza abside, contemporanea quindi a quella preeeufrasiana di Parenzo come pure della chiesa di Nesactium e del primo strato della cattedrale di Pola.

Nell area del castellum sono stati scoperti frammenti di pietra in stile tardoantico con motivi vegetali, attribuiti alla prima fase della chiesa di S. Maria e che di seguito vennero smontate durante la ristrutturazione bizantina e poi reimpiegate nel castellum. La ristrutturazione della chiesa di S. Grazie agli studi del prof V. P Goss — nella chiesa di S. Maria e sugli edifici religiosi ubicati sulla costa orientale adriatica, sono entrata in possesso di rilevanti informazioni che mi hanno aiutato nella ricerca. L arcipelago delle Brioni ha avuto un importanza strategica come meta di navigazione della parte occidentale della penisola istriana, come via navale verso Ravenna.

La chiesa e costruita in sectio aurea sia nella parte esterna che nella divisione dell interno. Le due lesene della facciata fiancheggiano l ingresso centrale, mentre le altre due si trovano sugli spigoli dell allungamento dei muri laterali. Solo le lesene che fiancheggiano l ingresso principale hanno 9 piedi romani di distanza. Il ritrovamento di una transenna di pietra nell area della basilica dimostra che le finestre erano chiuse da transenne, nelle quali erano inseriti vetri.

Le altre finestre sul muro settentrionale e meridionale, e la parte di frontone ornamentale sopra l entrata principale sul muro occidentale, dimostrano che la chiesa era coperta da un unico tetto, a due spioventi, come le chiese a navata unica. All interno della chiesa due file di colonne monolitiche dividono lo spazio nella navata centrale. Le colonne, dalle dimensioni cca. Sotto gli archi c era la galleria matronei. Sono state trovate piccole colonne poligonali, di 25 cm di diametro, della galleria.

Nella posizione della sesta colonna sono introdotti dei pilastri cruciformi, che sorreggono l arco di trionfo. L arco poggia sulle colonne con capitelli leggermente distaccati dalla superficie del muro. I capitelli sono uguali a tutti e quattro i lati, mentre nella parte Art History — the Future is Now. Le ultime colonne, che si trovano nello spazio dell altare, sono di altezza maggiore, con capitelli a due zone innovazione bizantina , di marmo proconnesio. L area presbiterale era elevata di 0,5 m sopra il livello della chiesa. Nella parte media dei capitelli si trova una croce greca, con aggiunta del monogramma di Cristo dentro un medaglione a doppi bordi crux coronata , identico su tutti e quattro lati del capitello.

Un terzo intervento nella chiesa di S. Necessari sono gli scavi archeologici sotto il pavimento della basilica. Numerosi sono i frammenti dell inventario in pietra: Nella rinnovazione del periodo bizantino sono stati cambiati gli epistili dell ingresso principale e laterale, le lastre e le colonne della transenna dell altare. Gli epistili ritrovati nel castellum erano decorati con motivi vegetali: Altri frammenti di pietra: Parte di colonna monolitica, dimensioni cm, altezza 32 cm; 9. Parte di colonna poligonale, con diametro cm, altezza 91 cm; Le decorazioni lapidee rinvenute appartengono alla prima fase della basilica di S.

Nel castellum sono trovati anelli di bronzo fuso o in lamina bronzea e recanti una piastra ovale, decorati con semplici incisioni formanti il motivo a croce. Si tratta ad es. Questo tipo di anelli rientra nel gruppo degli oggetti d ornamento del periodo tardoantico-paleobizantino. Le fortificazioni sono evidentemente state costruite in due fasi — la zona inferiore porta delle caratteristiche del V secolo. Le attestazioni archeologiche attualmente disponibili permettono di identificare la chiesa di S. Sulla Tavola Peutingeriana invece questo gruppo di isole viene indicato come Pullariae.

I reperti messi in luce furono pubblicati per la prima volta da B. Maria, indica il tratto del castellum appartenuto al vescovo. Al momento del ritrovamento gli elementi in questione furono reimpiegati, alcuni di loro incorporati nelle costruzioni successive. I tre, dopo un anno trascorso nelle prigioni, abiurarono lo scisma e Art History — the Future is Now.

Il terzo riferimento a Vindemius si ha nella documentazione relativa al sinodo di Marano del Nella documentazione preservata del Concilio Lateranense si legge che la chiesa di Ursinus si trovava in Histria. Infatti, il toponimo Brevona comparve per la prima volta in epoca medievale con la dicitura Insula Brevoni nello Statuto cittadino di Pola. In ambedue i casi i vani presentano una distribuzione ortogonale seguendo i canoni classici della tradizione romana.

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Durante il dominio bizantino la costruzione fu ampliata. Accanto alla chiesa manca il battistero, principale spazio di ogni chiesa vescovile, che tuttavia si trovava nella baia di Verighe, nel tratto ristrutturato delle terme della villa marittima. Sui fondali della baia di Val Catena fu trovato un pregiato vaso di colore rosso, decorato da una croce greca al centro del fondo. Maria e in frigidarium in Val Catena.

Il castellum del primo periodo bizantino, infatti, venne ridotto ad un centro militare ed ecclesiastico, mantenuto in funzione degli interessi imperiali e non di quelli locali. Marije i samostan — faze izgradnje, Izdanja I. Schrunk , The Brioni Islands, Zagreb. Tutek , The Church of St. Bezeczky , The Laecanius amphora stamps and the villas of Brijuni, Wien. Casey , Justinian, the limitanei, and Arab-Byzantine relations in the 6th c. Christie , Landscape of change: Cuscito , Hoc subile sanctum: Cuscito , Cristianesimo antico ad Aquileia ed in Istria, Trieste.

Cuscito , La fede calcedonese e i concili di Grado Metzger , Salona I: Dyggve , History of Salonitan Christianity, Oslo. Hodges , Villa to village: The Transformation of the Roman Countryside in Italy, c. Gerber , Altchristliche kultbauten Istriens und Dalmatiens, Dresden. Gerber , Forschungen in Salona, Wien. Central-Kommission fur Denkmalpflege V, Wien, Goss , Early Croatian Architecture, London: Goss , Memories, Sources, Models, in Medioevo: Immagine e memoria, Parma, Electa, pp Gri , Ranosrednjevjekovna crkvena arhitektura i skulptura otoka Veliki Brioni, diplomski rad, Pula.

Marta , Tecnica costruttiva a Roma nel medioevo, Roma. Mirabela Roberti , Notizario Archeologice, Atti, vol. Mirabella Roberti , Il duomo di Pola, Pula. Mlakar , Brioni, Uprava Brionskih otoka, Pula. Mlakar , Fortifikacijska arhitektura na otoku Brioni. Poulter , The roman to Byzantine transition in the Balkans: Starac , Carski posjedi u Histriji, Opuscula Archaeologica 18, pp Le merci, gli insediamenti, Roma.

Vicelja , Istra i Bizant, Rijeka. Wells , Profuit invitis te dominante capi: The wearing by women of large jewelry arrangements has been characteristic of eastern Mediterranean civilizations since ancient times. This paper focuses on the meanings and impact of the Palmyrian female funerary sculpture with jewelry arrangements.

The author argues that it is most plausible that these representations of Palmyrian women reflect the belief of the patron in Ishtar, a major goddess of Palmyra. The goddess takes with her the seven divine powers — seven pieces of jewelry — and then hands them over at each of the seven gates to the Netherworld. Then, naked and dispossessed of her powers, she dies, only to be resurrected later. The sculptures of the deceased women of Palmyra, with their rich sets of jewelry, reflect a visual perception that is very similar to the jewelry of Ishtar.

Perceptions of jewelry as a totality continued to exist in the East, where it apparently underwent a change from a ritual of the goddesses to representations of ByzantineChristian empresses. It is also possible to detect a resemblance between the systems of head covering, the necklaces interwoven with chains, and the bracelets from Palmyra, and the Berber jewelry of Jewish women in North Africa. This resemblance between the jewelry in Palmyra and the sets of jewelry of the empresses of Byzantium on the one hand, and the appearance of a similar item of jewelry as part of the ceremonial costume of women in the Berber and Jewish communities surviving into modern times on the other hand, is a fascinating phenomenon.

The wearing by women of large jewelry arrangements, comprising chest, head, wrist, and finger elements, has been characteristic of eastern Mediterranean civilizations since ancient times. This paper focuses on one important source of this tradition — the meanings and impact of the Palmyrian female funerary sculpture with jewelry arrangements. Among the vast quantity of Palmyrian funerary sculpture created between the first and third century AD, female images are depicted in various manners. Some are presented with a veil and draped in the Roman manner, with significant hand gestures, holding the spindle and distaff, while others wear rich sets of head and chest jewelry with bracelets and rings.

A comparison reveals a significant difference between the visual perceptions of these two centers. The Roman women wear one or two necklaces, but not complete sets of jewelry. The figures don a turban, topped with a scarf that falls onto the shoulders, with only a few locks of the hair revealed. The head covering displays a variety of jewels. These Art History — the Future is Now. It should be noted that in the East the head covering constitutes an integral part of the overall costume, while in the West it appears among the Vestal priestesses, worn during special rituals.

Women holding these implements also appear on many Roman tombstones, alongside inscriptions noting that the deceased had diligently managed the household and also engaged in weaving. I would contend, however, that in Palmyra the intention was different. Weaving was perceived in Greek culture as the work of Clotho the spinning fate, one of the three Fate Goddesses the three Moirai, or Moirae , and thus also already in Assyrian culture.

Consequently, I consider it possible to assume that this image of the deceased represents her address to the goddesses, who determine the fate of humankind, to determine her good fate in the world beyond Fate Goddesses. Courtesy, Dick Osseman, Amsterdam. This group depicts women wearing extensive sets of jewelry — on the head, chest, wrists, and fingers. In contrast to studies devoted to specific aspects and meanings of the female funerary portraits in Palmyra as such, the significance of the clothing of different classes, or the hand gestures of the deceased, which have also been interpreted symbolically, and the images of the jewelry sets depicted on these funereal sculptures have been mainly studied from their formal aspect of patterns and models, but not in regard to their meaning.

As noted above, the wearing of jewelry was also suggested as reflecting social status. Her face is broad, and above her hair, of which only the ends are seen, parted in the center and combed to either side of the head, there is a decorated ribbon. Above it is a kerchief encircling her head a number of times, and above this a veil, folded and descending to her shoulders. Beneath the kerchief encircling her head and above the ribbon are two chains in a half-circle. The woman is wearing earrings, and in her left hand now broken she appears to be clasping the train of the veil.

She is attired in a blouse and wears four different necklaces, while a necklace of small beads encircles her neck. A round decorated fibula secures her upper tunic on the left side, and on her left arm she wears a decorative bracelet. Another portrait of a Palmyrian woman Ny Carlsberg Glyptotek, Copenhagen displays a similar jewelry scheme, including head and breast ornaments fashioned as individual items.

On her head, in place of the decorative ribbon, is an ornate chain with an oval frame in its center, apparently once holding a precious stone. This frame is repeated as a brooch pinning the kerchief that functions as a turban, with the additional veil above it. This lady has seven chains on her breast, several of which are composed of individual circles which once held stones. The outermost chain incorporates two medallions engraved with male images. On the upper left part of her breast she wears a round fibula brooch.

Her right hand rests in front of her, while in her left hand she holds the train of the kerchief. On both arms she wears two pairs of decorative bracelets, one round and the other broad and conical. She wears a ring on the little finger of her left hand. Courtesy of Copenhagen, Ny Carlsberg Glyptotek. Possible formal and literary-ritual sources Formal sources: It seems to me that the sets of jewelry, sculpted as part of the female image of dozens of Palmyrian funerary portrait sculptures, engage in a dialogue with formal and mythological traditions. These formal traditions apparently continued the early Phoenician traditions and perhaps even those of a still earlier period.

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One can note four funerary sculptures of women seemingly Carthaginian-Iberian which show great connections in their headgear and jewelry to Phoenician colonies, mainly in Carthago: Their heads feature special jeweled head coverings, rare elements in Greek sculpture of the time. It would seem that in relating to this tradition, the sculptures reflect a clear and strong awareness of local identity, even if use is sometimes made of specific components of the Roman or Persian vocabulary of forms.

I would like to contend that the women s funerary portraits with the represented sets of jewelry express the belief of their patronesses or patrons in Ishtar — very close to Inana — who was venerated in Palmyra,13 and in her myth. Scholars of the Palmyrian pantheon concur that the cult of Ishtar, which seems to be very similar to that of Inana, was introduced during an earlier period from Sumerian Babylon to Palmyra, and accept the assumption that already in the epic tale of Gilgamesh there was a syncretism between these two goddesses.

The similar Babylonian myth of the goddess Ishtar also portrays her descent into the Netherworld and what followed. Researchers noting certain differences between these two epics, note also much similarity. The following section depicts the preparations by Inana for her descent into the Netherworld. A clear picture arises of her jewelry set, some pieces of which are given seductive names and thus perhaps refer to the fertility ritual connected with these goddesses. She collected the divine powers and grasped them in her hand. With the good divine powers, she went on her way. She put a turban, headgear for the open country, on her head.

Art History – the Future is Now. Studies in Honor of Professor Vladimir P. Goss

She took a wig for her forehead. She hung small lapis-lazuli beads around her neck. She covered her body with a pala dress, the garment of ladyship. She placed a golden ring on her hand. She held the lapis-lazuli measuring rod and measuring line in her hand. Her minister Nincubura travelled behind her.

The Electronic Text Corpus of Sumerian Literature The reference to the jewelry adorning the goddess limbs establishes them as divine items in her attire: All the noted jewelry here also appears on the women s funerary portrait sculptures at Palmyra. I argue that it is most plausible that these representations of Palmyrian women wearing rich sets of jewelry reflect the belief of the patron in Ishtar, a major goddess of Palmyra.

In both epics the goddess takes with her the seven divine powers — seven pieces of jewelry — and then hands over one piece after the other at each of the seven gates to the Netherworld. In the literature discussing the descent of the goddess to the Netherworld, I found no consideration of the jewelry as such, not of the individual item nor of the whole set.

Furthermore, it is possible that such representation of these women on their tombstones is intended to manifest their journey to the Netherworld and their praying to the goddess to be Art History — the Future is Now. In other words, this representation of the jewelry on funerary sculptures has a symbolic value and expresses the belief of the deceased in life after death that is parallel to jewelry placed in the tombs, also with the belief in resurrection.

Moreover, this perception of the symbolic significance of sets of jewelry continued to persist in the eastern parts of the Roman Empire, acquiring new meanings in the Byzantine Empire. The images of the dead women, probably expressing identification with the goddesses descending into hell and being resurrected later, seem to have been transferred to the images of the queens and empresses of the eastern part of the empire.

These queens all wear sets of jewelry and not only single pieces. Perceiving of the jewelry as a totality that included items for the head, breast, hands, and feet continued to exist in the East, where it apparently underwent change from a ritual of the goddesses and representations in funerary portraits of the women of Palmyra adorned with jewelry, to representations of the empresses in the eastern Roman Empire, as well as the Byzantine-Christian empresses. It is possible that these sets of jewelry of the goddesses became sets that symbolized the regal status of the queen.

Indeed, already in writings describing the Palmyrian Queen Zenobia being conducted as a prisoner to Rome, there is mention of her extensive jewelry. A similar process can be traced in various other examples, for instance among the queens associated with Theodosius in the fifth century, such as Licinia Eudoxia, wife of Valentinian the Third.

Empress Theodora, too, in her familiar sixth-century representation in the mosaic in the church of San Vitale in Ravenna, is wearing extensive neck, breast, and head-covering jewelry in addition to her crown. In other words, the sets of jewelry confer a sublime value upon the unique status of the queens of the East. Mordechai Narkiss and other scholars of Yemenite jewelry, as well as those of the Eastern Jewish communities, also pointed to the possible influence of Palmyrian on Yemenite jewelry.

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Connections between Palmyra and North Africa had already existed during the hundreds of years following the establishment of the Phoenician colonies in North Africa. Moreover, various scholars perceive the existence of Berber culture over hundreds of years in North Africa, simultaneously with the Phoenician colonies there, as an autonomous culture24 that preceded the Roman occupation, and certainly during the period of the Roman Empire. Various sources inform that Jews settled in these colonies as well as in the Berber settlements in North Africa.

This finding is supported by the study of a particular item of jewelry whose images appear in the funerary portraits of the Palmyrian women and also in Berber jewelry in present-day Morocco. In addition she wears an array of chest and head jewelry, bracelets and rings. Several of these Palmyrian funerary portraits depict a piece of jewelry comprising a breast chain incorporating two circles or medallions located next to or on the two breasts.

The medallions feature images of men. Among the Berbers of North Africa such jewelry acquired a ritual value, symbolizing the traditional roles of women, and is also known in the Maghreb among Jewish women: It is reasonable to assume that the item of jewelry described as part of the costume of the goddesses and featuring on the Palmyrian funerary sculptures as part of the ritual of death, reached North Africa and the Jewish communities there as part of the ceremonial costume.

It would thus also seem possible to find a resemblance between the systems of head covering, the necklaces interwoven with chains, and the bracelets from Palmyra, and the Berber jewelry and ceremonial jewelry of Jewish women in North Africa. This resemblance between the jewelry in Palmyra and the sets of jewelry of the empresses of Byzantium, on the one hand, and the appearance of a similar item of jewelry as part of the ceremonial costume of women in the Berber and Jewish communities surviving into modern times, on the other hand, poses a fascinating phenomenon. Adornment in the Ancient Mediterranean World, ed.

Colburn and Maura K. Cambridge Scholars, , — Phil, University of Glasgow, Kleiner, Roman Sculpture New Haven: Yale University Press, , — Franz Steiner Verlag, , 99—, —5. Thames and Hudson, , 15— Moffitt, The Arts in Spain London: Thames and Hudson, , 13— Innana abandoned her temples And prepare to descend. In her hands, She gathered the seven Mes of office.

On her head, She placed the shugurra, the crown of the steppe; And arranged the dark locks of hair across her forehead. She tied small lapis lazuli beads around her neck And a double strand at her breast. Gold bracelets she slipped on her wrists And strapped on breast-shields named, Come hither, man, come hither.

She wrapped the robe of queenship around her body And daubed her eyes with an ointment of kohl Called Let him, come, let him, come. Taking the lapis measuring rod and line in hand, Inanna set out for the Netherworld. Chaplin, , http: Translation by David Magie. University of Michigan Press, Tel- Aviv University, , 99— Studies in Honor of Irene J.

Jack Cheng and Marian H. Feldman Leiden and Boston: Brill, , Friends of the Bezalel Museum, Hebrew. In the Middle Ages there were apparently connections between the Jewish communities in Morocco and the Yemen. Norton, , 28— Gallimard, , — First basic methodological approach was traditional positivism which has been based on the comparison of disposition schemes of churches with similar ground plans coming from different cultural locations and periods.

As a reaction to the positivism method of formal analysis, V. Richter joined the structural studies already in , although he has never explicitly favored the structural method in the research of Great Moravian architecture as did J. Combination of both structural studies and iconography was defined by M. Recently it was B. Several features of phenomenology method we can find already in J. So far, premises of the hermeneutics method in the research of Great Moravian architecture have been dealt with only by V.

He based his views of the beginning of Great Moravian architecture on the Czech early medieval documents. Research of the Great Moravian religious architecture on the territory of the Czech Republic and Slovakia has got more than 60 years of history. Since the methods were to assist researchers in interpreting the artifacts examined, this study is purely methodological. It analyzes the current approaches according to art historical methods with which they have the most common features. I will point out the pros and cons, by which one could avoid some mistakes in the future.

Traditional positivism One of the main characteristics of positivism, apart from its empiricism, scientism, and geneticism is formalism, i. Its research has always been based on comparing the layout design of churches with similar plans from different cultural areas and different time horizons. Since the similarity factor is not an exact quantity but the subjective impression of an individual, it is logical that this approach could result in diametrically opposite conclusions about the origin of the Great Moravian architecture which can be illustrated, for example, in Great Moravian rotundas.

From the 19th century on, the respective analogies were sought in the Byzantine Empire, given that the construction of churches was associated with the arrival of the mission of Cyril and Methodius. According to some researchers, such as K. Despite this, there were researchers who continued to search for construction patterns for Great Moravian architecture in Byzantine Empire.

The theory of the origin of simple rotundas in the Adriatic region was proposed by A. Therefore this building can not be regarded as a model for the Great Moravian rotundas which were built about three centuries earlier. The relation of this complicated structure to simple rotundas was explained not only as the reduction of Art History — the Future is Now.

This building was dated to the turn of the 8th — 9th centuries on the basis of pottery, and there are no contemporaneous written sources. Therefore, the patterns for the Great Moravian architecture were searched for in the area with a late antique construction tradition, which was mainly the IstrianDalmatian region of the old Croatia.

In the 9th century, Carolingian Empire was undoubtedly considered a centre which was, at that time the strongest point of formative influence from Central Europe almost all of Europe from the Pyrenees to Dalmatia. This fact, therefore, also relates to the beginning of Christianity of the Transdanubian Slavs, which took place as already stated by V.

Vavrinek,16 at the direct order of Charles the Great through the mission of the Bavarian episcopate. From the 6th to the 9th centuries, Frankish architecture transformed a number of typological architectural elements of the Middle East, especially the Byzantine Empire architecture, the tradition of which was interrupted by the Carolingian Renaissance, reviving early Christian patterns. Significant example is the palace complex of Charles the Great in Aachen, based on the Early Christian and Byzantine traditions.

The chapel of Charles the Great is generally derived from Justinian architecture design of course with some innovations. The northern annex basilica is considered to be of the Oriental type with typical side pastoforia and galleries over the side area. Most types of buildings dating back to the days of the Great Moravian Empire in the early Middle Ages appear in general from the Visigoth Spain to the Byzantine periphery of the Caucasus. Although the plans of these buildings appear to be similar at a first glance, in the overall structure of architectural interiors, exteriors and construction details, they are quite different.

By simply comparing the plan one can prove the association with those areas on which the researcher focused. It could be argued that in the case of the lost Great Moravian architecture, no other method of determining provenance of individual building types is possible. A possible solution may be to examine them also in terms of preserved architecture, reflecting the tradition of Great Moravian architecture in its area of its primary extension, what was done by L.

The oldest single churches in Bohemia, Moravia, and Slovakia have the character of the PreRomanesque architecture of Western Europe, which is confirmed not only by masonry technologies used in buildings made of rubblework, but by the overall structure of the exterior and interior analogous to the Carolingian Renaissance sites. Structural Approach In response to the positivist formalism in V. Richter started to deal with the building structure because his basic idea was the factor of structure influencing the artwork, which means distinguishing between the objective and the subjective in art.

Sedlmayr, who followed the assumption that every work of art has its own central structural principle independent of the visual perception whereby we can understand that work. This construction unit of measurement he called the Langobard foot, the length of which he uncritically took over from the German scholar F. He then concluded that the rotunda was built by a North Italian architect which led him to establish Italy as the place of origin of the Great Moravian rotundas.

Richter, reconstructed Great Moravian buildings with the help of the Roman foot of 29,56 cm. It was also the starting point for the reconstruction of the church through a system called modular circles to which he adapted the shape of archaeologically prepared foundations of the church. Despite that deficiency of the structural method made an effort to use exact sciences, such as mathematics and geometry, through which it was possible, as opposed to the formalist methods, to verify objectively the results of research.

Critical verification of conclusions of the structural method must therefore also be done by exact means, not just by simple statements saying that destroyed foundations do not conform to the original foundations of buildings and therefore it is impossible to determine the initial measurement units. Richter, but it should be based on all dimensions of the building.

Just because most of the Great Moravian churches are in fragmentary conditions, the exact layout and orientation have a permanent heuristic value for future generations of researchers who were not able to participate personally in authentic or revision research. Krautheimer who, after emigrating to the United States, became one of the main proponents of the iconological method, the so called "deep iconography" that was influenced by the American positivism and factography.

Krautheimer formulated "The introduction to Iconography of Architecture," the main premise of which was that no medieval source emphasized design of building, but the practical liturgical purpose of the church, so the content of the construction stood at the heart of medieval architectural thinking, to which the research of the content from the perspective of architectural iconography is subject. The builders here took over not only the design and function from a model, but also the basic architecturally significant elements. These elements include the size of buildings which is one of the few features still observable in the Great Moravian buildings.

The numerological significance of architectural elements of copied buildings was pointed out by R. Krautheimer, according to whom this significance was attributed in the Middle Ages not only to basic geometric shapes, such as the layout structure of the building or number of columns, windows, etc. Krautheimer on the symbolic meaning of dimensions have yet not been questioned, and his very stimulating reflections were later followed by other renowned scholars such as C. In the early Middle Ages patrons were exclusively secular and ecclesiastical dignitaries who selected prototypes often having devotional or commemorative significance for the faithful.

On the other hand, however, it is necessary to realize that the Great Moravian society could not follow this religious tradition, as it was in a transition from paganism to Christianity, and where Christian architecture represented a completely new cultural import. Structural-iconographic research method of Moravian architecture As noted above, elements of both methods can be observed already in J. Despite many stated reservations it is necessary to admit that in principle he acted in the right way. Indeed, he was trying to scientifically prove the intention of the original builder and the iconographic importance of the building elements.

I have used the combination of both methods several times in the spirit of postmodern eclecticism,47 a combination of different methods in an effort to discover the most objective conclusion. Given the state of the sites examined in which the basic architectural elements such as arches, columns and other architectural elements have disappeared, the absence of which does not allow for a classical formal analysis, this methodological eclecticism is necessary. First, it is important to attempt to determine the construction measure unit, i. Richter have already made progress in this way, however from only one dimension, in the first case the apse, in the latter case the width of the foundations, to which they adapted other dimensions of the buildings.

It is therefore necessary to compare all the measurements of the building with the Roman and Carolingian foot, and identify their ideal size, using the nearest integers. The foot which achieves the smallest average deviation coefficient, may be most likely the original construction measure unit used in the construction of the church. This procedure is identical to the above method of structural analysis. It is based on the detection of the originally planned size of buildings, as the churches can be examined from a point of view of medieval symbolic numerology, showing the intentional insertion of Christian symbols in measurements that belong to the iconography of the architecture.

The next step is the attempt to identify the original plan of the church on the basis of structural and symbolic models used by the builder during the construction planning. This chart can be compared to the Art History — the Future is Now. This assumption stems from the simple deduction that the builders might have had more then one building commissioned at the same time.

Finally, it is important to determine, by tertiary comparison, the standard models in the contemporary European architecture, which could help in locating the architectural workshops acting in Great Moravia. Reconstructed by programme AutoCAD. Of course, with the absence of written sources relating to the construction of the Great Moravian churches, these remain hypotheses, the likelihood of which increases with the weight of the argument.

In the case of iconographic method, e. This would mean that the width of the foundations was a kind of basic unit, a module, as the base of the column in the Greek architecture. Roman architecture, from which early medieval architecture originates, had a different procedure. Therefore, there is a risk of misinterpretation, or attributing meaning to something that originally did not have any. On the other hand, it is necessary to take into account the fact that if these hagiographic symbols reverberate in the minds of contemporary scholars, they must have reverberated even more so in the mind of the medieval man.

Cibulka as a student of the Vienna School of M. As he identified this type of church as a typical manifestation of the Irish insular Christianity, he proposed its expansion through Europe in connection with "Irish-Scottish" missionaries, and also on the territory north of the Danube before the emergence of Great Moravia. Vavrinek just a year after the publication of the book. Especially, he pointed to the absence of any written reports on activities of Irish missionaries in our area, and of any conclusive evidence of such in the archaeological material.

Poulik because of the absence of concrete evidence in written records,53 and V. Hruby because of the dating to around Cibulka had to retreat from his position, and to admit that the church was not built by Irish-Scotish mission, but by a Bavarian one, based on Irish tradition. Lichardus,56 joining the Irish missionary phenomenon in architecture with an earlier interpretation of V.

Richter,57 relating to the identification of rounded holes around the church with a religious building. Marginally, the issue of the Great Moravian architecture was touched upon by A. Novak, student of the dean of Czech phenomenology, J. This concerns in particular the methods Art History — the Future is Now. The method of acculturation in the interpretation of the Great Moravian religious architecture was only programmatically used by A.

Avenarius, who focused mainly on defining the share of the three missions — from the Frankish Empire, Italy, and Byzantium. Although he expressed doubts about the merger of architectural types among different missions, he finally agreed with the researchers deriving the origin of most of the churches from the Adriatic area; where there was, presumably, a continuous ancient building tradition closely tied to the Byzantine culture, and it was imported to Moravia via so called mission from the Vlach i.

After the first discoveries of the lost Great Moravian churches after the 2nd World War, it became clear that many of them were built before the arrival of the Byzantine mission. Avenarius, because of economic and political crisis in Byzantium in the first half of the 9th century. Avenarius, who considered them as imported by missions from the Vlachy, based on the theory of A.

The method of cultural anthropology or the theory of cultural memory was then joined by B. This model operated in the liturgical practice of episcopal centers. The hypothesis is ambitious, but it has many shortcomings. First, in terms of argumentation, the researcher first defines an axiom about stationary liturgy and church family in the areas with a long Christian tradition, or in the center of Christianity such as Rome, and then tries to apply it to the specific conditions of Great Moravia.

II with the eastern gate, behind which a separate "two-apsidal" rotunda — Church No. Metaphysical premise of a single kind of cultural memory can also be undermined by the fact that there was no preexisting unity, cultural relationships were not metaphysical or anonymous, and the artwork was always the result of individual human contacts, exchanges or influences. Hermeneutics The relationship of the text to the visual design was not satisfactorily resolved through iconology, since the duality of art work content was the cause of the important limitations in its literary significance.

Therefore, the shift from iconology to phenomenologically based hermeneutics was explained by some researchers as a new phase of the ontological understanding of art work and its meaning. The relationship of the word and image is now seen as a new reciprocity of articulation and an important embodiment, while maintaining its identity in different areas and levels of visibility.

Richter did follow the premises of hermeneutic method in the research on the Great Moravian architecture, trying to determine the model under which it would be possible, in the absence of written sources and fragmentary state of monuments of Great Moravia, to determine the origins of architecture. This should have been reflected in the religious architecture on the one hand, in the construction of a church in the form of rotunda Rotunda of St Clement at Levy Hradec and on the other in buildings of votive churches in the old cult places church of the Virgin Mary at the Prague Castle.

The example of these two buildings led Richter to conclude that the result of the analysis seems to be natural, it is just needed to apply this assumption to the Morava material. Heidegger as a horizon in which the art historical research finds itself at the moment. If this assumption is correct, then the ritual would have been known by the 11th century, and it was also connected to missionary activities. It became the normal liturgical practice a few centuries later, as evidenced from pontifical letters of the 13th century.

Also on the basis of a ritual of putting offerings into the foundations of St Clement Rotunda at Levy Hradec one may infer that the rotunda was built no later than the 11th century. Ihr Ursprung, Zweck und ihre Bedeutung. Biuletyn historii sztuki, XX, , pp. Praha — Bratislava , p. Tipologia e simbologia di Alcuni palazzi imperiali. Richter see in note 10 , pp. Kunst und Wahrheit, zur Theorie und Methode der Kunstgeschichte. Byzantinoslavica, XXV, , pp. Die Pfalz Karls des Grossen in Aachen. Karl der Grosse III. More information is to be found in Harvey, J.

Praha — Bratislava , pp. Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes, V, , pp. Studies… see in note 17 , p. Spoleto aprile Medieval architecture and meaning: Studies… see in note 17 , pp. Brno — Nitra 1. Replik auf den Beitrag Prof. Dominant influence on the formation of the aesthetics of light in Byzantine culture was made by the patristic philosophy and theology; therefore text and image are compared.

Special accent is given to mosaic as the medium in which artists could manipulate material and techniques to obtain diverse symbolic compositions. Citing fundamental features of Byzantine philosophy from the 4th to the 7th century, Averincev insists on impossibility of complete separation of philosophical and theological thought, pointing out, however, to their substantial differences.

Precisely in the Byzantine philosophy, topics such as the theory of signs, symbols and aesthetics of light gained strong impulse of development in regard to the ideological determination of theological concepts. Antinomy of Byzantine thought, as a result of overcoming skepticism because of the crisis of the Hellenistic world, is established as a fundamental principle of aesthetization of reality, with its expression in art and rhetoric. This association is specifically expressed in the symbol as a unit of meaning, and therefore in the phenomenon of light through its Art History — the Future is Now.

Light, both in its pure physical form, as well as in the active interaction with the pictorial properties of the formal features of the artistic media, carries the importance of the intermediary of the axiological principles. Light is fundamental to religious experience and its symbolism affects strongly sacred landscapes in all religions. Light is envisioned as the essence of life, as darkness implies death, and its presence sets apart sacred from the profane and evokes emotions and responses in religious experience. Skills of articulating architectural and decorative elements of the religious spaces, in order to achieve adequate lighting effects, implied, especially in the late Antique period, a good knowledge of arithmetic, geometry, physics, astronomy and optical principles by trained architect.

These principles were, with great skill, applied to other aspects of dramaturgy, cult and ritual practices, and theoretical explanation was provided by Archimedes, in connection with the use of different configurations of mirrors and Hero of Alexandria in his famous work Catroptica, which constituted the theoretical basis of optical knowledge and related practices of Byzantine architects. Potamianos accepts the thesis that their orientation, in most known cases, is determined by the sunrise on the feast day of the titular deity of the temple. Direct illumination of the statues decorated with gold, ivory and precious stones by sun light, with strong contrast to the dim surrounding area, had a powerful visual and emotional impact.

Concepts and methods of lighting a sacred space developed in Antiquity exerted a strong influence on architectural practice of Byzantine architects, creating different theories on reflection and refraction of light. Potamianos, explaining the concrete form of its manifestation, supports the learning of a close relation of the architectural organization of the apse with the liturgy, which refers to the descent of the Holy Spirit upon the Apostles in the form of "flow of light or flame onto the Church. Potamianos emphasizes, also, the connection between this moment in liturgy and the Eucharist through the presence of the Holy Spirit, by whose intervention the transformation of bread and wine into the body and blood of Christ happens.

In both cases this manifestation is connected to light. Another phenomenon to which Potamianos attaches great attention to is light of a dome or domed zone.

Mystica Vannus.

Dome light is the dominant determinant of vertical axis illumination, which, in this capacity must have been practiced in Antiquity. Over time, the expressive power of this factor gained more diversity in Byzantium, and it is in this regard that it certainly changed the conception of its articulation. More specifically, changes in architectural form of sacred spaces underwent after the 6th century, from the longitudinal plan to the central one, resulted in the modification of lightning.

In a longitudinal scheme the additive relationship of church parts as discrete, separate entities is accentuated, while in a central plan additivity is replaced by the organic unity manifested by directing beams of light that come from different openings towards one particular locus of the vertical axis. As the result, a dome acquires symbolical value of the space of the Pantocrator where light acts as a non-created divine energy emanated from God himself and not from any other known source.

By placing external, physical light in the interaction with the pictorial features of mosaics, frescoes and icons, complex symbolic compositions are built. Typologically related instrument to include light and light effects in the structure of an image was achieved by emphasizing certain parts of a composition using colors and materials of more intense light values. This process, apart from establishing dynamics in the art form, exercised a significant symbolic effect in fresco painting and iconography.

Representation of light in Byzantine painting include halo, mandorla, thin or trapezoidal stripes representing the beams of light as well as the application of different colors in their hues, tones and radiance which accentuate symbolic importance and establishing light transmission. Byzantine concept of color as "materialized light" and its complex symbolism allow special mode of installing pictorial values in the symbolic images. Both in texts and visual representations, light represents holiness and is a structural element of several of fundamental events and sacred visions. As the manifestation of God s presence it is depicted as brilliant and radiant emanation in the scenes of Annunciation, Baptism, Transfiguration or Ascension.

The sacred is, as well, evoked Art History — the Future is Now. Many of the scenes in the early Byzantine art depict metaphysical space, transcendental space using glittering stars or illustrating candles and candlesticks with burning fire. Therefore, fire was an essential element in Byzantine symbolism that will be put in relation with the divine, uncreated light that was presented to Moses in his first encounter with God, as burning flames.